SENATE.]

Public Lands.

[JAN. 21, 1833

strength of his own arm for the means of sustenance and been urged, it requires uo argument of mine to refute it; comfort as the rewards of his industry. that has been already conclusively done by the Senator An enlightened statesman, who looked deeply into the from Tennessee, in whose views, on that branch of the human heart, and understood well the springs of human argument, I entirely concur. We have, it is true, sir, action, has denominated the farmers and planters "God's heard much declamation about the rights of the new chosen people;" and, whether it be fact or fancy, it States, and justice to the new States, without any definiconveys to my mind a pleasing illustration of the moral in- tion of the nature of those rights, or the exact measure of fluence in society of that branch of industry which removes the justice which is claimed. It seems, however, that the laborer from the temptations of vice, and cherishes neither can be fully accorded, without yielding to all such the holy inspirations of religion and virtue. The man modest demands as gentlemen may think proper to who follows the plough, and wields the axe to fell the make; apparently terminating in nothing short of a cessturdy oak of the forest, is taught, by education and the na- sion of all the national domain to the States which they ture of his pursuits, to spurn the humiliation of dependence represent. But, sir, the question of right and justice to on the courtesy of his fellow man. He enjoys his frugal the new States is to be determined, not by the mere fare in his homely cottage; he seeks not the smiles, and measure of their claims, but by reference to their several fears not the frowns, of wealth or power, so long as he is compacts with the Union; and, when any of us require obedient to the laws of his country. It is a maxim of the right and justice, we must confine our demands within the common law, which we inherit from our ancestors, that purview of those instruments; we cannot bring our sister "every man's house is his castle." Yes, sir; under the States into a court of conscience, and require of them protection of our free institutions, it is indeed his castle; no there that which they never agreed to award us. matter if it be a thatched roof, with open walls through In deciding between this bill and the amendments prowhich every wind of heaven may whistle, and into which posed by the Committee on Public Lands, the power of all the elements may freely enter-it is nevertheless his Congress to distribute the proceeds of the sales of public castle, within which no one may dare to intrude without lands among the several States necessarily comes in ques. his free consent, or by the authority of some known pro- tion. If we have not the power, by direct grant or strong cess of law. There, around his peaceful fireside, he may implication, to make this distribution, there is, on my part, worship his God according to the dictates of his own con- an end of the matter; if we have the power, by an unscience, and drink deep of the blessings of divine Provi- doubted grant from the constitution, the foundation of dence, amidst the smiles of his poor but contented family. the argument of the Senator from Tennessee is swept In favor of this class of my fellow-citizens, I wish now to away from under him, and the fabric which he has reared legislate, by extending to them the protecting arm of the and balanced with such skill on this basis must fall to the Government, as the pioneers who are destined to open the ground. Western wilderness, and as the defenders of the rich legacy of freedom and independence bequeathed to us by our fathers.

I would ask the Senator to take up the deed of cession from Virginia to the United States--I name that particularly, because it cedes much the greater part of the land Sir, let us, while we are at peace with all the nations of which we hold of the several States; and because, in the earth, by a wise and liberal course of legislation, give this, you find substantially the provisions of them all. I harmony and tranquillity to every portion of our beloved would ask him to take up this deed, not to glance over it country. Let us remove the last "apple of discord," and hastily, as he has done in his speech to-day, but carefully present to the world the sublime spectacle of a confedera- to weigh its provisions, and consider calmly and impartialcy of States, comprising more than twelve millions of free-ly their import, and come to such decision as he would do men happy under a Government of just laws, which con- were he trying, in a judicial capacity, the right of parties fer equal rights, equal benefits, and protection, on all who under it; and, if he will do this, I can safely say for him, live under its benign influence. in advance, that he will hold it to be not only the right but the duty of Congress to make this distribution.

Mr. President: I will say, in conclusion, pass the bill on your table with the amendments which I have had the hon- The situation of our country at the time of making and or to submit; bring down your system of imposts by grad- receiving this deed of cession, is important to the true ual reductions, to the standard of a revenue necessary to de- comprehension of its import. We had just emerged from fray the current expenses of the Government; and instead the war of the revolution; our independence had been of discord, "blood and carnage," civil strife and military achieved, and this immense territory conquered at the exdespotism, we may hope to transmit the blessings of liber-pense of the blood and treasure of the whole people. The ty, the constitution and union, to generations yet unborn. Sir, I have done; I leave the issue to the sound and impartial judgment of this honorable body.

waste and unappropriated lands were within the chartered limits of a few of the States, principally of Virginia; but it was urged by the other States, that justice required a Mr. EWING, of Ohio, next rose. He said he was not cession for the common benefit; and this cession was acaware that any gentleman had, in the progress of the corded. At this time there was no such thing as revenue present debate, or in that which took place on this subject belonging to the confederacy; all that availed to pay the at the last session of Congress, claimed for the new States, debts and support the current expenses of the General as a matter of right, the lands of the United States within Government, was raised by contributions on the several their respective limits. That doctrine, it is true, (said Mr. States. This was the state of things at the time of the E.) was at one time urged on the floor of Congress. It was execution of this deed of cession; and I have now to ask said, that some principle-he knew not what--deep and the attention of the Senate, while I examine it somewhat recondite, and probably inexplicable; a principle inhe-closely, and endeavor to ascertain from the language of the rent in, and of the essence of, State sovereignty--attached instrument, as well as the situation of the parties, whether to the new States at the moment of their formation; and distribution of the proceeds was intended by the donor did at once and forever annul and destroy, in part, if not at the time of the grant. The deed, after reserving various in whole, the very compact which gave them their being. But this notion has lived out its day, and expired in the due course of nature. I think (said Mr. E.) I am right in saying, that no one here has directly advanced or contended for such doctrine. It may be that I am mistaken, for my attention has not been closely fixed upon all that has been said in the course of the debate; but if it has

parcels of land for specific objects, provides "that all the lands within the territory so ceded to the United States, and not reserved for, or appropriated to, any of the beforementioned purposes, or disposed of in bounties to the officers and soldiers of the American army, shall be considered as a common fund for the use and benefit of such of the United States as have become, or shall be

JAN. 21, 1833.]

Public Lands.

[SENATE

come, members of the confederation or federal alliance be excepted those cases where Congress is limited or reof the said States, Virginia inclusive, according to their strained by the terms of some compact.

usual respective proportions in the general charge and The deeds of cession, to which I have already referred, expenditure, and shall be faithfully and bona fide dis- furnish a case of restriction by compact prior to the conposed of for that purpose, and for no other purpose what-stitution; but that compact, with all others entered into soever." by the old confederation, is recognised and made binding Now, sir, this land, which is reserved as a common on the United States by a provision in the constitution. fund, is vested in the General Government; not to be re- The first section of the sixth article declares, "that all tained; not to be held in perpetuity as a joint tenantcy, as debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the Senator from Illinois [Mr. KANE] seems to suppose; the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against but, in trust, to be disposed of "faithfully and bona fide" the United States under this constitution, as under the for the purposes designated in the grant. The land, then, confederation." This instrument, therefore, which gives is to be disposed of, and the proceeds are to go to the to Congress unlimited control over the national domain, common benefit of all the members of the confederacy. binds them to fulfil all "engagements entered into" with But here arises the important question--was it intended regard to it. The engagement entered into by the acat the time, by the parties to this deed of cession, that the ceptance of the deed of cession, to hold the lands in trust General Government should disburse as well as receive for the purposes designated, and to dispose of them, and their proceeds, or that she should merely receive and dis- apply the proceeds as therein directed, is recognised by tribute them among the several States? Advert, sir, to this constitution, and the national faith is pledged anew for the situation of our Government at that time, which I have its observance. already noted, and look also at the wording of the latter It was said by the Senator from Alabama, [Mr. KING,] clause. Virginia was a member of the confederacy at the that taxation for the support of Government, under the time she made the grant. Her benefit would necessarily constitution, is levied on the people generally, and not be included in the common benefit, if the expenditure of raised from the States by contribution, as under the old the proceeds of these lands were to be made by the Gene- confederation; and hence he argues, that the distribution ral Government, for the support of the Government, or contemplated by the deed of cession, though obligatory the payment of its debts, and were to be confined to those under the confederation, would be a violation of the conpurposes. Why, then, insert the words "Virginia inclu-stitution. Constitutional objections were easily got up, sive," which we find in the clause of this grant? If the and made to bear upon any thing, no matter what, if we construction given it by some gentlemen be correct, this receive as the constitution every imputed intent in its were an absurdity. If my view of it be correct, we can framers, even in direct opposition to the very terms of readily understand why a cautious conveyancer would the instrument itself. Concede but this, and each of us choose to insert it. The next clause fixes the proportion may fashion a constitution for himself; and every one in which each of the parties interested shall be entitled; would violate it, whose opinions or policy might be varithe language, according to their usual respective pro-ant from ours.

portions in the general charge and expenditure,” is ra- But the gentleman is wrong as to his theory of taxation tional and intelligible, if it be true that distribution was in-under the constitution. Taxes are not levied upon the tended; but, otherwise, it were wholly without meaning. people collectively, but are apportioned among them in If the money were to be paid out by the General Govern- States, according to the same principles as under the old ment only, in discharge of the common debts, and in sup-confederation.

port of the common Government, who would have thought| I will refer you to the third section of the first article of naming the proportion in which it should be enjoyed of the constitution, which declares "that representation by the several States? And, sir, the rule for the con- and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several struction of written instruments, with which we have States which may be included within this Union, accordbeen familiar in courts of law, namely, that an instrument ing to their respective numbers, which shall be detershall be so constructed as to give efficiency to every part mined by adding to the whole number of free persons, of it, is equally entitled to the attention of the legislator including those bound to service for a term of years, and and the judge; it is founded in practical good sense, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other peris at once assented to by the most uninformed as well as sons.' From this clause, it is obvious that the distributhe most enlightened mind. But to sustain this objection tion which was contemplated by this deed of cession, and to the power of Congress over this property, to do with which in its inception had relation to the articles of conit as proposed, gentlemen must repudiate this principle, federation, will operate as fully and effectually under the and suppose that the grantors of this deed, among the constitution. And it is worthy of remark, that no change ablest men of any age, wrote nonsense in two striking whatever in the ratio of taxation (and consequently of particulars; and they must disregard, too, the most obvi-distribution) has taken place. I therefore hold, that not ous coincidence of these clauses in the deed, with the situ-only are we at liberty, consistently with constitutional obation of the parties making and accepting this grant. ligations, to make the general distribution contemplated There cannot, I think, be any doubt remaining, that, at by this bill, but that we are bound to do so, of all the the date of this deed, distribution of the fund arising from lands which we hold by these deeds of cession. As to these lands was in the contemplation of the parties. It the territory purchased of France and Spain, its situation remains to be shown whether that purpose has been is different; and the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. POINchanged, or the obligation removed, by any subsequent compact. Was it yielded up or abandoned in the formation of the constitution?

DEXTER, ] in whose views, in that particular, I entirely concur, has, as I conceive, placed it upon its true ground. Congress has the right to dispose of that in such manner The second section of the fourth article of the consti- as they see fit, unshackled by any restriction or limitation tution gives Congress "power to dispose of, and make whatsoever, except their own sense of justice and expeall needful rules and regulations respecting the territory diency. or other property belonging to the United States." The But, it may be asked, if my views be correct as to the power is in itself plenary and unlimited; and, as the Sena- lands held under the deeds of cession, as those lands were tor from Mississippi [Mr. POINDEXTER] has ably urged, not pledged for the payment of the debts of the revoluleaves Congress wholly unrestricted in the manner of the tion, and as they were given for the purposes of distribudisposition of the public lands, and the purposes to which tion, why have not their proceeds been distributed? and they may apply their proceeds; from this, however, must has not the national faith been already violated in neglect. VOL. IX-11.

SENATE.]

Public Lands.

[JAN. 21, 1833.

ing this distribution? To this I answer, the national debt common profit? I think it will be admitted on all hands, was a sum owed or assumed by the General Government, that, as a mere money transaction, it would not. But it for the payment of which each of the States was bound to is urged that indirect benefits to the Union would result contribute in precisely the same proportion as it was en- from such reduction, far superior to the pecuniary loss titled to receive of the proceeds of these lands under the which we should incur by lessening the proceeds of the principle of distribution. The General Government, who sales. This, sir, I admit, is a fair subject of inquiry; and is their trustee in this particular, held the proceeds of the if, on a full view of all its effects, we find the good to public lands to which they were entitled in distribution, overbalance the evil of the proposed measure, we ought, and at the same time was bound to pay a large sum annu- as statesmen, to adopt it. But what are the indirect beally, to which they were bound to contribute. The clear-nefits said to be derived from the reduction in price, or est principles of justice would warrant the General Gov- the free donation of the public lands? It is urged as a ernment in retaining this fund, and applying it to the reason for this measure, that it will advance the settledebt rather than to distribute it, and immediately reclaim ment upon the public lands; that our new States will be it from the distributees for the purpose of so applying it. sooner filled with inhabitants; and that we may obtain, But the national debt is now paid; this fund is no longer from the abundant resources of a numerous and prosperneeded for that purpose; nor can any man say that it is ous people, more substantial advantages to our country required for the purposes of revenue. Indeed, we have than from the sale of the national domain. And gentle to look about us to see where we can cut off other streams men who contend that we have not the constitutional which bring their golden tribute into our treasury, lest power to sell and make distribution, gravely tell us that we be, inundated and overwhelmed with its abundance. we have the power to give away the lands, in whole or The necessities of the General Government do not require in part, for the purpose of encouraging settlement and these proceeds. We are not placed in such a situation, emigration. that if it were paid over, we could rightfully reclaim it by direct taxation levied within the several States; other legal sources of revenue abundantly supply the wants of the Government. We are, therefore, now bound by the deed of cession, the acceptance of which was a compact, to execute the trust which it reposes in us, by direct distribution, according to its provisions.

Sir, with respect to the early and speedy settlement of our extensive domain, I, perhaps, differ from some of my friends; I certainly do dissent from an idea thrown out in argument by my honorable friend from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY.] I do not wish, with him, that all our lands, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, were now teeming with population, and covered with cities and villages. I Another view, arising out of this deed of cession, look upon our present situation as most peculiarly happy; touches especially the amendments offered by the Com- we have a delightful climate, fertile soil, large navigable mittee on Public Lands, viz. a reduction of the price of rivers and lakes, and all the mineral products of the earth those lands to one dollar per acre, and fifty cents to actual in variety and abundance-not only enough for the settlers. This is intended to cover all the lands, as well wants of the present, but for the future generations those which we hold by the deeds of cession, as by pur- which may succeed us for ages to come. And I am not chase from foreign powers. I have already shown you, anxious that this vast resource of future life and subsist sir, that, of one portion, and that at present the most im-ence should be occupied to the full measure of its capaportant, Congress is a trustee for the benefit of all the city in our age, or even in that which is next to succeed States-bound to dispose of it for the common benefit, us: let it remain, as in the due course of things it will re"bona fide, and for no other purpose whatsoever." We main, an outlet and a resource for our children and our have received the fee of those lands, and agreed to dis- children's children, for generations to come. So far as pose of them to the best advantage, "in good faith," for regards the interests of the people of the United States, the benefit of all equally, not of a part; and justly ap- and the prospects of their posterity, we might as well portion the proceeds arising from their disposition among wish to limit the extent of our lands to the wants of the the several States; and I need hardly say to this Senate, present inhabitants, as to augment our population at once, that we must not violate this plighted good faith; we so as to cover and occupy all our lands. If new and fermust not betray the trust reposed in us, and give or squan- tile lands be desirable in the present age, they will be der away these lands for the benefit of any one or more equally so in succeeding ages; and I do not envy posterStates, or any class of individuals, without regard to the ty their possession. They are open now to receive that rights and interests of the whole. Let us look at the principles of the proposed amendment in this point of view, and test its propriety by this our engagement. The first and most obvious light in which the public lands may be considered, is as a vendible article, the property of the United States, which we are to dispose of at But I would a fair price, for the common benefit of those who have give it all the facilities which arise from the internal im intrusted us with its management and care. We fixed provement of the country-the construction of roads and a price; we settled upon terms of sale long since; and canals, the opening and improving the navigation of we are now advised by the Committee on Public Lands our rivers. would thus lessen to the emigrant the toil to reduce that price generally, and make a discrimination and expense of transporting his family and effects, and in favor of actual settlers! And what reason is given for enable him to bring with him to his newly-chosen home this? None on earth. Are the lands now too high? Do many of the comforts and conveniences of life, which he we sell them for more than they are intrinsically worth? must otherwise leave behind him. I would not pay him No. On the contrary, they are now sold so low, that they a bounty for removing; but if he wished to go, with the are bought up by thousands and tens of thousands, for hope of bettering his situation, I would smooth the way the purpose of speculation. A large amount, it is true, before him. But all else I would have as it now is, and remains unsold; and so there would, reduce it, as you intrust it to the free choice of our citizens; let them ba might; for the amount on hand exceeds, and will exceed, lance advantages, and choose where they will abide. for ages to come, the capacity of our population to occu- But whence is this population to come with which genpy and improve it. Why, then, reduce the price? tlemen seem so urgent to fill up and occupy our new Would it be a disposition bona fide of the national do- lands? They are not, surely, to be the product of special main, for the common benefit, to do so? Would it be creation for that end and purpose merely. We, there making the most out of the common property for the fore, must draw them from Europe by our bounties, or,

portion of our population who seek them; and so desirable are they to the husbandman, that it requires no bounty from the Government to stimulate his enterprise. Let me not be misunderstood. 1, sir, would not discou rage emigration, nor would I hold out to it any other inducements than those which already exist.

by the like bounties, entice them from one portion of the Union, and induce them to go and occupy another.

[SENATE.

bounties to individuals to settle upon its waters, we shall strengthen ourselves in that quarter, and be the better If, sir, we were a weak and timid people, exposed to able to make good that defence. Now, sir, I like the danger or invasion from without, and unable to dwell in general doctrine of the Senator exceedingly well. I am the presence of the other nations of the earth, there in favor of appropriating the public funds, whether in might be some reason for holding out bounties to the land or money, to secure us from assaults from without, people of Europe to come and unite with us and strength- or to enable us to repel them. On this principle, I think en our hands. But we have passed the season of danger it important to improve, and as soon as practicable to perfrom foreign aggression; we are strong enough to defend fect, our various avenues of intercommunication between and protect ourselves; and although I object not to the different sections of the Union. In short, by the con. influx of foreigners, who, animated by a spirit of enter- struction of canals and railroads, diverging from the most prise or a love of liberty, adventure for our shores; and important points on our coast into the populous interior, although, when they thus come among us, I would give to enable us at any time, in case of a sudden descent of a them the hand of fellowship, and welcome them as bro- foreign enemy on our shores, at once to meet him in thers; yet, I would hold out no special inducements, no force, and punish his aggression. If the honorable Senareward except that of freedom, a country, and a home; tor will view the present bill in this point of light, I have nothing to flatter their pride, or tempt their avarice; for little doubt he will give us his vote upon its passage. It emigration from that country might be pushed too far. will certainly remove all his constitutional scruples on the I would not wish that all Europe, loosened from its foun- subject: for, if the lands may be constitutionally given dation, should precipitate itself on our coast. Nor can I away, in order to strengthen New Orleans, by increasing perceive the benefit which would accrue to us as a na- the population on the Wabash and Wisconson, surely it tion, by extraordinary efforts to transfer the population may be sold, and the proceeds applied to internal imfrom the old to the new States. I have looked in vain for provements, which will aid the communications between reasons to induce it, and can find none. There may be different portions of the country; facilitate the transportatimes and circumstances under which this would be wise tion of men and munitions of war; and hasten the transand politic; but those times have gone by, and the circum- mission of intelligence, whether of civil commotion or of stances do not now exist. If our frontier were feeble military aggression. and incapable of self-defence, that might furnish a rea- But the honorable Senator has singled out New Orleans son; but how is it? Sir, when the first settlements were as a point peculiarly liable to attack and difficult to decommenced in Kentucky and Ohio, such was indeed the fend-a point in which we are weak, and therefore ought state of things. Here and there were planted a few scat- to be strengthened. Now is this the fact? Sir, there is tered inhabitants in the presence of numerous hostile na- not upon our whole maritime frontier any single point so tions, counting hundreds to one, and without communi- secure from invasion as New Orleans is at this day; and cations by which aid could be furnished from the older there is no point at which half a million of armed men, and more populous sections of our country. But they, with the necessary munitions of war, could be concenfeeble as they were, made good their footing, and gradu-trated more easily and more speedily. Because that point ally possessed themselves of the broad fields of the enc- was once exposed, and because the means of defence my. Now, the population of the West is moving forward were small, and difficult to be brought together, it does in a broad and equal mass; nothing to divide, nothing to not follow that they are so now. Why, sir, Britain was break the strength and force of the current; if there be once invaded, and still more, she was conquered by the danger on the frontier, its inhabitants have but to retire Roman legions; but what would we say of the statesman backward a day's journey, and they are in the midst of a who now, in the British parliament, should express fears populous, secure, and plentiful country. No impenetra- of another attack, and exhort the nation to summon all ble forests or rugged mountains form a barrier between their energy, or concentrate all their forces, to guard the them and succor. But how would our frontier be point at which Julius Cæsar landed? Yet he would have strengthened by a gift of all these lands? That frontier reason on his side about as strong as has the honorable might, perhaps, be pushed more and more remote from Senator, who, here on this floor, invites us to give away point to point; but we shall still have a frontier, until our lands, and plant colonies in our interior, with a special emigration westward be stayed at last on the shores of the view to the defence of New Orleans. Why, sir, since Pacific. New Orleans was, for the first and last time, attacked by

If it were deemed important, for the purpose of sea foreign foe, what changes have taken place in the intecuring our territory from foreign intrusion, or for any rior which supports it? The population of the valley of other sufficient cause, to plant a colony at once on the the Mississippi has risen from one to three millions--a coast of the Pacific, or on the banks of the Oregon, I force equal to all the United States during the revoluwould agree that there was a fair occasion for the en-tionary war. The sphere of active assistance is extendcouragement of enterprise, by holding out bounties for ed five-fold. Troops and munitions of war could now be emigration; and, sir, the settlement of that coast and of transported from Pittsburg in less time than they could those shores is not at this day either so difficult or dan-have been in 1814 from Natchez to New Orleans. Nay, gerous, as was the settlement of the banks of the Ohio sir, by means of the New York and Ohio canals, and the when that was achieved. In Kentucky, grants of land use of steam in the navigation of our rivers, troops could were given to the adventurous emigrant, to induce him to now be transported from New York to New Orleans in encounter the danger and privations incident to the coun-one-fourth of the time that they could have been in 1814, try. In Ohio, little or nothing was given; but the country from either point to Pittsburg. Yet gentlemen have conwas peopled and defended, and it has risen rapidly enough stitutional scruples about appropriating the public funds, in population, improvement, and wealth. or the proceeds of the public lands, to the internal im

But the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. BIBB] has disco-provement of our country, which would render it impregvered a principle on which we may justify a donation of nable in all its extent; but they will give it away by milall the lands in the valley of the Mississippi to whomso- lions to settlers, for the purpose of strengthening a single ever will receive and occupy them; and he proves it to point, which no one believes to be in danger.

be a disposition of them to the common benefit of all the But we are to invite emigration to the new and fresh lands States. His argument is this: The navigation of the on the upper Mississippi, that we may thereby accumulate Mississippi is important to us as a nation; it is, therefore, a force sufficient to defend New Orleans; and where are our interest as a nation to defend it; and, by holding out those emigrants to come from, whom we thus buy with

SENATE.]

Public Lands.

[JAN. 21, 1833

our bounties? Surely, from the less fertile lands of the accused of having pushed it beyond the powers given us East and South; from the tide water districts of Maryland, by the constitution. These are the assertions of those Virginia, and North and South Carolina. They, I pre- who oppose, and who wish to prostrate the policy; but, sume, have their thousands to spare, and will still be true it is, that we have watched over them with care and strong in case of a military incursion, while New Orleans, anxiety, conscious that they are the germ of our future backed by more than five hundred thousand men capable greatness and power. And now let me appeal to gentleof bearing arms, must have the treasures of the nation men who are the friends of this policy. Would they lavished, and the population of the East drained, to protect deem it just and wise, at the instant that a share of the her against an apprehended attack, which, indeed, nobody protection under which they have flourished is about to apprehends. I dwell on this the more particularly, that I may show you, sir, what kind of quiddity this constitutional scruple is. Can any Senator be really governed in action by things of this substance, so strongly dwelt on in debate?

I will now, as briefly as practicable, examine the effect of this proposed bounty to emigration on the several sections of the Union: as to its necessity for national defence, I shall leave that out of the question, believing the Union to be strong enough at all points, and especially at that point, for the safety of which honorable gentlemen express so much anxiety.

be withdrawn, to prostrate them to the dust by a direct reward-a bounty held out to their operatives to leave their employments, and settle on the Western lands? It would be a deathblow to the prosperity of the East. Would it benefit the Western States?

It is presumed that it would cause an influx of emigrants from the older States, and thereby fill the country with population, and cover it with improvements. I propose to look at the supposed benefit with some care; for I would not in any thing overlook the interest of my own State, or those so nearly adjacent to her, and connected with her in interest and feeling. Nor am I to be led Once, on a former occasion, in reviewing the operation away in the support of every specious project which may of some measures of national policy, I adverted to the be supposed to tend to their aggrandizement, but which effect of emigration on the older portions of the Southern my reason tells me will operate injuriously upon the States. The same views are applicable here. The open-people.

ing of new and fertile lands in climates similar to their Something of pride is felt in the idea that a State is own, invites their planters to abandon their old and par-numerous in its inhabitants, and great in power; but when tially exhausted fields, and seek for rich virgin soil in the we speak of physical force, the power to attack an enefurther West. Even now, much of these lands, which my, or repel invasion, it is the power of the Union, not might, by careful culture, be kept up and preserved, are of a State, that is to be regarded, for it is that which suffered to depreciate to barrenness, while its cultivators stands us in stead; since, whatever may be our views at flock to the new and cheap lands, which produce abund- home of the respective rights of the State and the Geneantly by the slightest care of the husbandman. ral Governments, in our relations with foreign nations we But, sir, of this I do not complain. Our system is in are but one people, and our power as against them is this respect settled, and has been for a long time past, one. If political power be the object which fires the and I wish it to remain steady; but the inducements to emi- ambition or flatters the pride of our statesmen, how, when gration are, in that point of view, strong enough, and I analyzed, does the power of the great States compare would add to it no new stimulus. Let it not be forgotten with that of the small? In the House of Representatives, that the pressure which bears upon the staple articles of and in the choice of President and Vice President, if that the South arises from over production, and cheaper pro-choice be made by the electoral colleges, man for man, duction upon the fresh lands. In this state of things, it the citizens of the great and small States are equal; but would be neither wise nor just in Congress to render the in this branch of the National Legislature, and in this recultivation of their old fields impracticable, and their pository of a responsible portion of executive power, lands wholly valueless, by bringing down to nothing the the small States, as States, are in all things equal to the price of the Western lands, which at present so drains largest. Delaware, with a population of less than eighty their population, and sinks so low the price of their pro- thousand, is equal to New York with her two millions; ducts. and Missouri, with a little more than one hundred thouIn another point of view, this proposed reduction would sand, is represented on this floor alike with Ohio, which operate most seriously on the Southern portion of the has tenfold her numbers. So, too, in the election of PreUnion. It is a bounty to emigration. Already, sir, does sident of the United States, when that election devolves that section of our country, so far from advancing in po- on the House of Representatives; or of Vice President, pulation in equal steps with their sisters of the confede- when it devolves on the Senate; the States are equal in racy, suffer diminution in numbers of its free inhabitants, power, however unequal in population. Numbers, therewhile the slaves go on increasing in the natural ratio. fore, are not a desideratum, so far as it relates to political Why is this, and whither does it tend? The reason has power, but the reverse; the citizen of Missouri has, from been anticipated. Emigration takes off the sons and daughters of the freeman, while the progeny of the slave remains, in some manner, fixed to the soil. Its future consequences, the result to which it is already hastening, would be hurried to a catastrophe by this proposed bounty to emigration.

the very circumstance of its smaller population, a much larger share of political power than the citizen of Ohio.

Then as to this invisible, intangible being, called a State: our new States are not to be especially benefited by transferring to them the population from the old States.

It is next important to inquire whether the present inhabitants of the new States will derive any important benefits from the transfer of population, which this amendment is intended to produce.

If we turn our eyes to the East, the reasons against it, deducible from the state of society there, are equally striking. There, less than elsewhere in our country, they rely for their wealth on the cultivation of the soil. Gen- My own opinion has long been fixed in this; that, for erally, their lands are poor and unproductive; the people all the purposes of social intercourse and neighborly laborious, enterprising, and ingenious. There it is that quiet, the settlement in our fertile districts is rapid the manufactures, which it has been our policy to build enough. When individuals emigrate from their homes, up and foster, have taken root and flourished. The from the neighborhood and society in which they have hands which can be spared from the cultivation of the soil been reared and nurtured, something of the moral and are employed in the factory. So fixed have been the prin- social bonds, which are among the safeguards of virtue ciples, and so cherished the policy of protection with a and order, are severed. If a great number of individuals, majority of the people of the United States, that we are unknown to each other, and of dissimilar habits and feel