JAN. 16, 1833.] · Public Lands. [SENATE. I like manner, and for like purposes, should be extended I hope to see not only this measure of relief afforded to to Mississippi and the other States--claims which have the poor, by which it will be within the means of all to se been heretofore overlooked or pretermitted--it would cure a home, but also those who may have settled the lands savour of rank favoritism. There can be no doubt but prior to sale, secured against the cupidity of speculators, the claims of Mississippi will be properly appreciated in by being entitled by law to the pre-emption. this respect on a proper showing of facts. I do not know Instead of this measure of reduction lessening the revethat it would be amiss that I should here mention, in nue arising from the public lands, it will increase it, by connexion with this branch of the subject, that there is causing all who live on these lands to become purchasers. one work of internal improvement of great consequence, A great quantity of land will be disposed of, which would, both to the State of Mississippi and the United States. at present prices, remain on hand for ages. If it be viewThe Mississippi, below the mouth of the Arkansas, makes ed as a matter of pecuniary interest only, the Government into the Yazoo by means of a bayou, navigable at high would be greatly gainer by disposing of the public domain water, and requiring but little labor and expense to make at a moderate price, rather than hold it for a great length the navigation perfect at all times for flat, keel, and of time for higher prices. The use of the money from steamboats. This pass runs through large bodies of the this to the time when it will probably sell, would amount public land, of the richest quality, which would be greatly to more than the difference in price. increased in value by the completion of this work. Other The honorable Senator from Kentucky has called upon the objects of improvement of equal importance, demanding Senators from the new States to say whether this bill does of Congress a favorable attention, may also be presented. not propose advantages over the present system. It is hoped that so much of this bill as makes the appro- would answer that it does; for any return of the money to priation of land to Louisiana, Missouri, and Mississippi, the States from which it is taken would be some advanwill not depend upon the success or failure of the project tage, however small this return might be. This bill proto distribute the public funds. This was originally intro- poses a return of part of the money received from the duced as a separate and distinct proposition, by a distinct people of the new States into the treasury of these and separate bill; it has been incorporated into this bill. States. The amendment would save to the "working It is hoped that the two propositions may be considered people" of the State three-fifths of the amount they pay separately, and that the one may not be made to depend for land. Supposing that amount in Mississippi to be upon the other. The honorable Senator from Kentucky two hundred thousand dollars, (which is a little under the [Mr. CLAY] has said that the seventeen per cent. on the true amount,) they would save one hundred and twenty amount of sales in the new States, which is to be severally thousand dollars. allotted to each, will be equal to the full amount of what The bill from the Committee on Manufactures prothe resident citizens of these States will pay for public poses to put into the State treasury seventeen per cent. lands; and this he undertakes to prove by the progressive on the amount of sales, and a dividend proportioned acpopulation of these States. Let the State of Mississippi cording to federal numbers. The per cent. would be be taken for an example, (some of the new States have thirty thousand dollars; the proper dividend of the increased faster,) the population of which was in 1820, State would be upwards of twenty-three thousand; ma40,352 white inhabitants; in 1830, 70,448 white inhabit-king an amount of nearly fifty-four thousand dollars. ants; showing an increase of little more than six per The advantage in amount to the State does not equal cent. per annum. Of this increase, it would be fair to the amount the amendment proposes to the purchasuppose four per cent. arose from emigration. Now, sir, sers or the people. It will be more politic to bestow it is an extreme case to put, when we say that these four benefits upon the latter, in my opinion, than the former. emigrants, which are yearly added to each hundred inha-Sir, I am in favor of the "working men. bitants, yearly pay eighty-three per cent. on the amount of sales. So long as they ܂ continue prosperous, independent, and free, the State must be in sound condition. They are the only support and dependence of the State when her rights are to be asserted, or her honor to be vindicated, and are ever ready at the call of duty. They can at any time fill the treasury full to overflowing, and are ready to put both hands into their pockets whenever there is need. I prefer a measure which gives advantages to them, to putting money into the State treasury, perhaps to be squandered. The amendment proposed by the Committee on Public Lands proposes to reduce the price of the lands, after they have regularly been proclaimed for sale, offered, and not sold at one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre, to one dollar per acre. It proposes, when the land has been thus offered, and not disposed of at public sale, to put the price to actual settlers, who will inhabit and cultivate them for five years, at fifty cents per acre--each head of Sir, the honorable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] a family, or young man over twenty-one, or widow, being has intimated that the new States would do well to accept entitled to a permit to settle one quarter section, or one this proposition, lest they may not be able hereafter to hundred and sixty acres. That which is worth a dollar obtain so favorable terms. From the symptoms already and a quarter per acre will be sold and disposed of at indicated, there is too little doubt but they will find, public sale; that which is worth less, will be put in favor whenever they shall become willing to distribute the funds of actual settlers at fifty cents. There will be no such of the Government, sufficient numbers will join them, opportunity for speculation as has been supposed; requir- more especially when they are exclusively the paying paring the purchaser to inhabit and cultivate the soil for five ty, and others joint receivers. Sir, the people of the new years would of itself be a sufficient guard against this. States have looked anxiously for relief in regard to the The quantity which each purchaser may enter on these lands. They have looked to the present as the auspicious terms, being one hundred and sixty acres, would prevent period when they might expect it. The public debt is it. The speculator will aim at lands of greater value, now paid off; the same amount of revenue not being reand will purchase in larger quantities. What! a specula- quired by the positive wants of the Government, the peotor in lands buy and live on one hundred and sixty acres ple must be relieved from a large part of the burdensome five years, to make money on his purchase! The idea is taxation necessary heretofore for the payment of a debt inadmissible. It will be the poor, or those in moderate contracted in carrying on a war waged for the vindication circumstances, who alone will be benefited by it, and if of our national honor. To discharge the debt incurred in it be entitled to favor in the eyes of any Senator on that this war, the people of the new States have contributed as account, this provision is peculiarly, and almost exclusive- largely, and as willingly, as they shed their blood freely ly, for the advantage of that class who have but little in the field during the contest. Are they to be the only wealth. portion of the citizens whose claims are to be overlooked, SENATE.] sory. would be taken now, unless some gentleman wished to express his sentiments on the subject. whose burdens are not to be lessened? Is it from a desire to have a perpetual fund of money drawn from us to distribute? Is it from a fear of lessening the value of land in Mr. BUCKNER expressed himself in favor of the amend the older States, or from an apprehension that emigration ments of Mr. POINDEXTER, which had been ordered to be will be more rapid from the older States? The distribut-printed. He desired that they might have the consideraing system, I hope, will not be adopted. The fear of tion of the Senate, and hoped the pending question would lessening the value of lands in the old States, or material- not be taken before. He was also against haste in this imly affecting them in point of population, is altogether illu- portant business, and reiterated Mr. FORSYTH's motion to Is it possible that the citizens of Ohio, Kentucky, lay on the table. or Tennessee, can think that, by fixing a dense population on the Mississippi and its waters, their lands will be come of less value? Where is it, sir, that they find a market for their products--a ready and cash market? By making the demand for every article they export greater, is it possible, by any correct course of reasoning, they can come to the conclusion that the lands upon which these arti- Mr. POINDEXTER said, the amendment of the comcles are produced will be worth less? We rely upon the up-mittee proposed to destroy the bill, for a substitute, which per country for supplies of numerous necessary products; he, on examination, had found to be very imperfect. His we buy from them horses, mules, cattle, sheep, hogs, (Mr. P's) object was to preserve the salutary portions of poultry, beef, pork, flour, corn, potatoes, aye, every the bill, and to make such additions and improvements as thing that can be imagined, even down to dogs. We would render it more beneficial. He had no disposition pay them cash for these articles of merchandise. It is the to delay the question on the amendment, because its deonly market the people on the upper waters of the Mis-cision would not at all interfere with the objects which he sissippi ever did, or ever will, have for the most of them. had in view. Mr. CLAY called for the yeas and nays. He felt unwilling that the subject should thus be postponed from day to day. By voting now on the amendment of the Committee on Public Lands, the amendments of Mr. POINDEXTER would not be excluded. His utmost wish to-day was to dispose of the former amendment. The President, in his message to Congress at this session, After a few more remarks from several other Senators, has taken a liberal and statesman-like view of this subject. the motion was withdrawn, and the Senate adjourned, afHe is sensible of the wants of the people of the new ter a short time spent in executiye business. THURSDAY, JANUARY 17. PUBLIC LANDS. States, knows their worth, and appreciates the privations| which they endured in the settlement of a new country. He has expressed these in language more strong, clear, and eloquent than I can. [Mr. B. here read the several parts of the President's message relating to the public The Senate resumed the bill to appropriate, for a limitlands.] The Chief Magistrate is not one of those who ed time, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. have taken the view suggested by a narrow and short- Mr. GRUNDY said, upon this subject it is manifest that sighted policy; that, by holding up these lands in such there are two opinions rising up in different quarters of manner that the greatest possible sum can be realized, the country, directly in opposition to each other, and both will advance the true interest of the Government, but is of them, in my humble judgment, founded in error. One among those actuated by more liberal and enlarged views, portion of our politicians think that the new States, in who are of opinion, that by advancing the settlement of which the lands are situated, have a claim, to the exclu the country, by fixing upon the soil an adventurous and sion of all other portions of the country, upon that prin hardy population, interested in the freehold, the country ciple of national law which confers on the sovereignty of will gain more real advantage in the addition to its securi-a State a right to all the soil within its limits. Against ty, strength, and aggregate wealth. We stand upon the this opinion I have heretofore, and now contend, let it justice of this recommendation, not doubting but the wis- come from what authority it may. Another set of politi dom of Congress will soon lead to the adoption of the cians say, and the bill on your table is predicated on that course recommended. idea, that the States, as such, have some other and differIt is conceded, sir, that the settlement of this question ent kind of claim to these lands, or their proceeds, than is a matter of much importance, but I do not agree that it they have to the money in the treasury of the United is among questions of that sort which had better be set- States, arising from other sources of the public revenue. tled even wrong than not at all; it will be better that we I differ from those who entertain this opinion likewise. should leave the matter where it now is, than make it My proposition is, and I shall endeavor to maintain it, that worse. Be careful, sir, that, in the great anxiety which is the lands belong to neither the new nor the old States, shown to settle the question, to take, as it is said, from nor to both of them combined, but to the Federal Governthe new States all ground of complaint, you do not lay the ment; and that their proceeds cannot be applied to other foundation for greater discontent. Among the people objects than those to which the United States can constiof the new States, there has as yet been nothing like de-tutionally appropriate money. In order that I may be cided discontent. They have looked forward to the pre-able to establish my proposition, I ask the attention of the sent period with anxiety, yet with the assured hope that Senate to the mode in which the titles were acquired, and the burdens of taxation would be lightened both as to the I call upon the advocates of the title of the new States customary revenue, and that which they pay in the pur- to show upon what they found their claim. Did the new chase of land. If they should be disappointed in these States purchase these lands from the original proprietors or reasonable expectations, there is no telling how long they may remain so. Although anxious for the settlement of this great national question on just and equitable principles, yet I, for one, object to the present measure, as not calculated to relieve us from embarrassment, but to lead us into other and new difficulties. Mr. B. having concluded, Mr. MOORE moved an adjournment. Mr. FORSYTH moved to lay the bill on the table. Mr. POINDEXTER made a few remarks in opposition to this motion. Mr. CLAY hoped the question on the amendment owners? Have they made any contract or agreement which would authorize them to put up this claim? Nothing of the kind is pretended. Their sole reliance is upon the principle that sovereignty conveys the title. This principle, it is admitted, exists, and is unquestionable between nations or States, foreign to each other, and between whom there are no stipulations or compacts to the contrary; but it is wholly inapplicable as between the General Government and the new States. To adopt it would be in direct violation of the agreements and compacts entered into by each of them in the most solemn manner. When about to become members of this Union, JAN. 17, 1833.] Public Lands. [SENATE. they disclaimed all right and pretence of title to the for the common charge and expenditure, for the comFederal Government within their respective limits; it is mon benefit, we surrender the lands; and to whom their own declaration; it is engrafted in the constitution did they surrender them? To the Congress of the Unitof every State; the very charter which gave them their ed States, to be applied for the common benefit, for and existence acknowledges that they have no right or claim in discharge of the debt incurred by the war of the revoto these lands. There is no State in which it was sup-lution. It is true, the debt of the revolution, as it is usuposed the General Government owned land, which has ally denominated and considered, is discharged; there is not, in its constitution, relinquished that right which so- still, however, a heavy incumbrance upon the public vereignty confers, except the State of Tennessee. She lands, which cannot be discharged for many years-I rewas admitted into the Union without any such stipulation fer to the pensions allowed by law to the officers and solor condition, and therefore stands in a different situation, diers of the revolution. These constitute a charge upon in relation to this subject, from the other States, in which this fund, and form a part of the common expenditure there may be vacant and unappropriated lands. When for which these lands were pledged; and, until fully paid, the new States, some years since, came forward and put the lands cannot be released and applied to other purup their claim to these lands, I took the liberty of saying poses. It is supposed that not less than three millions a that it appeared to me to be a violation of good faith and year will be necessary to meet this demand. The sales the sacredness of a solemn agreement, and gave the rea- of the public lands will probably not amount to that sum; sons at length in support of the opinion I then express- we know the nett proceeds will not. At present, this fund ed, and I will not detain the Senate by a repetition of is answering the purpose of its original destination, and it them; but, with this short view of the subject, shall take it ought not to be diverted from it. for granted that the new States have no right to these lands, more than the other States in the Union. At the same time, I wish it to be understood, that I do not object to the appropriations which have been, or hereafter may be, made to the new States, of portions of the land within their limits, for internal improvements; this, however, is not because they have a better claim than any other portion of the country; these appropriations are made upon the ground that it is sound policy to improve the country, and thereby add value to the residuum of the public lands. Hence, a right as well as a duty is created on the part of the General Government to enhance the value of the public domain. But let us see by what means the debt proper has been paid. The proceeds of the public lands have discharged a very small portion of it; all the other sources of revenue have been resorted to, and the moneys arising from them applied to the extinguishment of this debt. When the money thus expended from other sources to this object shall be replaced in the public treasury from the sale of the public lands, surely it should not be used or employed in any other way, or for any other purposes, than those to which moneys arising from any other sources could be legitimately appropriated. To make my ideas upon this subject still plainer: we have taken money arising from the duties upon imports to pay the public The next inquiry is, what right have the States, as such, debt, instead of using the land for that purpose; now, to put up a claim to these lands? To ascertain this, we when we sell the lands, and receive the proceeds of the must look to the derivation of the title, and see to whom it sales, the money should be substituted in the place of has been made. During the revolutionary war, it was that which was received from imports. The treasury of urged by several of the States, in strong and impressive the United States has furnished all the means by which language, that it was unjust that the wild and uninhabited the lands acquired from Georgia, by her cession, have tracts of land contained in the charter of Virginia, and been paid for. Louisiana was obtained from the Empeother States similarly situated, should be conquered and ror of France by the Federal Government, and paid for secured by the joint arms of all the States, and then not by its own money. The Floridas were purchased from be disposed of for the benefit of all; they, therefore, re- Spain, and paid for in the same manner. To none of monstrated with the old Congress against this injustice, these lands can I discover the least color of claim on the as they considered it. Congress acknowledged the jus- part of the States. tice of their demands, and applied to the several States It is not argued by the friends of this bill that Congress within whose limits the lands were situated to relinquish can give away the public money, or distribute it to inditheir title in support of the common cause in which all viduals or States ad libitum. Unless, therefore, its advothe States were engaged. The States yielded to this ap-cates can succeed in showing that Congress has more plication, and Virginia surrendered all her territory west power over this source of revenue arising from the public of the river Ohio, including the present States of Ohio, lands than it possesses over other public moneys, this Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan Territory; the other States bill must fail. This brings me to the provisions of the followed her example; but for what purpose did they make bill under consideration; and I will endeavor to show to these grants? Was it that the proceeds should be given the Senate that this bill is calculated to put down the poaway, either to States or individuals, or scattered to the licy of this Government as now administered; that it is winds? Such an idea never entered the minds of men at doing that indirectly which we cannot do directly, and we that period. What was the great and important object know it to be so. We are to give this money to the States; which operated upon a portion of the States in demand- and for what purpose? To make internal improvements. ing, and on the others in surrendering, these lands to the And can we make such internal improvements as the States disposition of the old Congress? It was known that we will make if you give them this money? There is a differwere engaged in an expensive war, and were deeply in-ence among politicians as to the powers of the General volved in debt. The issue of the controversy was doubt- Government upon this subject. Great national objects of ful; but if we succeeded, one thing was certain, that we internal improvement, it is conceded by both parties, may had a large accumulation of debt existing against the old be carried into effect by this Government; but local obCongress, which it would be difficult to discharge, how-jects are not conceded; and, as this Government is now ever prosperous the termination of the war might be. In officered, we know that no bill for such improvements order, then, to promote the public credit, and to provide can become a law. Whatever Congress might be disposed a common fund to meet the various engagements which to do in such cases, the Executive sanction cannot be obthe prosecution of the war necessarily created, almost all tained. But grant the States the money to make any imthe States which had vacant and unappropriated lands came provements they please, however local and unimportant, forward. And what is the declared intention of each of and you evade the settled policy of the present administrathe States making the surrender? I have examined all the tion, which you cannot overcome by direct action. In acts of cession; the same language is used; they all say short, by giving the money to the States, and making VOL. IX.--8 SENATE.] Public Lands. [JAN. 17, 1833. them your agents, you expend it upon objects which the therefore, instead of reducing the public burdens, instead most zealous friends of internal improvements by the Ge- of doing away the just causes of complaint which exist in neral Government would never dream of. Is this not the country, you are fastening them upon the commudoing, as I have said, that indirectly which you cannot do nity. Make, if you please, the most liberal allowance for directly? Would you not, by the instrumentality of the the support of the Government of the United States-a State Legislatures, be doing acts which you have not the tariff, producing twelve millions, added to the three mi!constitutional power to perform yourselves? The second lions arising from the sales of the public lands, will supobject to which the money is to be applied by this bill, is port the Government; but give these three millions away, education. I admit the full value of this object; but has and you create the necessity of adding three-millions to the it entered into the mind of any public man, that Congress tariff; this, therefore, is a tariff measure. It is to create could establish a system of education in the different a demand or necessity for more money; and when this neStates? Such a proposition has never been made, and, if cessity is created, I should myself feel bound, if it demade at any future period, it surely can meet with no favor pended on my single vote, to fix the rate of duties high in this body; and I ask Senators to reflect and consider enough to produce the requisite amount. I have been whether there be any substantial difference, in point of compelled to give my opinion in reference to the tariff, constitutional power, between this Government's doing it because it is connected with the subject-matter of this itself, and giving the money to the States, and directing them to do it? bill. There is another reason why I object to this measure: it will operate deceptively; it looks like a gift upon As to the third provision in the bill, which is to expend its face to the States, but at the same time the people of the money in transporting the free people of color to Li- the States are taxed to make up the amount; it looks as if beria, on the coast of Africa, I consider it perfectly vi- the States were getting something from the General Gosionary; and this provision in the bill would be harmless, vernment; but when it is recollected that a tax is imposed were it not for the infraction of the constitution involved in to supply the deficiency in the treasury, occasioned by it, because I do not believe that the State Legislatures this measure, the deception is at once discovered, and the would so apply the money; they would expend it on objects delusion vanishes. in their own States. From what part of the constitution The politicians of the United States have been speakis the power thus to expend money derived? How can ing and writing about State rights and State independence it be contended that this Government can furnish money from the very foundation of this Government; and, acto better the condition of the free man of color, when it is cording to my humble judgment, nothing that could be admitted that you cannot give money to a poor man to invented by Congress would operate so fatally against better his situation-no, not even to remove him from these doctrines as this measure. If the States are to reone part of the United States to another? ceive annually from this Government large sums of money I will now proceed to another branch of this subject. which may be withheld at pleasure, can you expect that If I were in favor of this measure; if I believed it author- manly spirit and strong language of remonstrance from ized by the constitution; if I believed it wise and State Legislatures which we have sometimes witnessed' politic, I would not at this time give my assent to it. It It is with communities as with individuals, that a man loses is, and it cannot be concealed, a tariff measure. It is to his independence who is in the habit of living upon the keep up the duties on imports; and here I wish to be dis- bounty of another. He knows that to incur the displeatinctly understood, I have contributed nothing by any sure of his benefactor may produce a withdrawal of that vote or act of mine to produce the present state of excite-bounty which he has enjoyed; and the fear of this lessens ment which exists in the country. I will do nothing to his independence; he loses his own will, and adopts that increase or aggravate it. I will yield nothing to intimi- of another as the rule of his conduct. The true mode upon dation, or to that hostile array which is displaying itself which to administer this Government is, to keep the opein the South. I will neither go faster nor slower. I will rations of the Federal and State Governments distinct and neither be accelerated nor retarded in my movements by separate. In this way, that confliction which produces any occurrence of that kind; but there are considerations discord is avoided. The State Governments possess certo which I am prepared to yield much. To that deep tain means of raising revenue to enable them to persense of injustice, long continued, which is felt by the form their respective functions; and the State Govern whole South, and by a great portion of the West, I would ments should never depend upon the General Government yield much. To the apprehension that oppression, long for the means of acting upon the subjects confided to them. persisted in, which is heavy, and cannot be always borne, So long as each Government depends upon its own means, might weaken, and in time alienate, the affections of any it is independent, and no longer. We already see the great portion of the community from this Government, 1 effects produced in some of the States by this anticipated am ready to yield any thing which will not produce in-reliance upon the national treasury. Pennsylvania and justice to others. However, whether the tariff be re- Ohio have contracted large debts for internal improvements, duced or not, I am in favor of executing the laws and pre-and they are now pressing this measure with a view to observing the Union; and so far as my voice will go, the tain money to meet the annual interest falling due upon Executive shall be furnished with all the means ne- their State treasuries. Is there not danger that you will cessary to accomplish these objects. Under this view place all the States in a similar condition, if you encou of the subject, let us examine the effect to be pro-rage them to undertake expensive internal improvements duced by the passage of this bill, and ascertain whether, beyond their own means of payment? instead of alleviating the public burdens, and removing the Further, I am opposed to this bill, because it will regrievances now felt and complained of, we are not giving tard the improvement and settlement of the Western a certain assurance that they never shall be removed. The country. In what say upon this subject, I know I feel, public sentiment seems now settled, and we scarcely hear and shall speak, as a Western man. There is a greater a voice to the contrary, from any quarter, that the public portion of my affections, of my regards, than can exist revenue must be brought down to the wants of the Gov- elsewhere. If you say that the price of the public lands, ernment; if you, however, give away annually nearly three (which is evidently the design of this bill,) even of poor millions of your money, arising from the sale of the pub-quality, shall never be reduced, but at all times remain at lic lands, you thereby create the necessity of keeping up the sum now fixed by the laws of the United States, for a tariff to that amount, higher than would be necessary the purpose of distribution among the several States, you if the proceeds of the public lands were placed in the thereby prevent a dense population, and the cultivation treasury, to defray the expenditures of the Government; of soil of inferior quality. It cannot be expected, under יי JAN. 17, 1833.] Public Lands. [SENATE. this new system, that any favors or indulgence will ever of Indians. It has been said that these preference or ocbe extended to the settlers in the new States; a feeling cupant rights have not proved beneficial to the early adin opposition to a liberal spirit towards the inhabitants venturers of the Western country. Gentlemen who make of new States will be engendered in the different States; this statement possess less knowledge than I do, or a dif and avarice, the most unfeeling passion that inhabits the ferent language would be used by them. The State of human breast, will forbid the distribution of favors amongst Virginia gave to each of the early settlers of the now State those who most need them. I readily admit that the shift-of Kentucky four hundred acres of a settlement right, ing of population from one section of country to another and a pre-emption of a thousand acres adjoining, at a price does not increase the population; but I by no means ad- merely nominal. The State of North Carolina, actuated mit that it may not increase the national strength and pros- by a similar liberal spirit, gave a pre-emption of six hunperity. The Government owes it to its citizens, as a duty, dred and forty acres to each of the early settlers in what to furnish all the means in its power to render them col- is now West Tennessee; and although it is true that but lectively and individually happy and independent. When few of these men remain at the present day, having been you put it in the power of every man, however poor and slain by the hostile savages, or having died by reason of humble he may be, to acquire a freehold of forty, eighty, great exposure and hardships, and from other causes, yet or one hundred and sixty acres of land, the Government I will venture to say that the descendants of no class of has done its duty; and if idle and dissipated men will not men in that vast region of country are more respected, take care of themselves and household, will not embrace or have more distinguished themselves in the learned proand enjoy the bounty of their country, the Government is fessions, or have been greater ornaments to the benches not responsible for their failure. of justice, or have acquired more fame in legislative halls. At the last session I was told that my argument upon In regard to what is called the Green River country, in this subject was not sound, because those who worked in the State of Kentucky, it was settled upon the principle the manufactories were as good citizens as those who of occupancy; and there is no portion of that State, consicultivated the soil: that may be so. My principle, how-dering the quality of the soil, which contains a better or ever, is this: make your citizens independent--and no more substantial population. As to Tennessee, this has man is so independent as he who gets his own livelihood been her uniform policy; and by its wisdom we have upon his own soil, and is not dependent upon the will of changed tenants and day-laborers into independent freeothers. A man thus situated is dependent upon Provi- holders. I am inclined favorably to the amendment prodence and his own exertions alone; he is not subject to posed by the Committee on Public Lands, and will vote the whim and caprice of others by whom he may be em- that each settler upon the public domain shall be entitled ployed: his livelihood cannot be endangered by the failure to a preference right at fifty cents per acre, upon condition of capitalists, which is the case with all those employed that he reside on it for five years in succession: this latter in manufacturing establishments. I therefore prefer that provision will prevent all fraud and peculation, and sethis Government should provide by its laws that every cure to him who needs it a home at a cheap rate. man of industry may acquire, at a cheap rate, a portion Upon a full view of the whole subject, my reflections of the public domain. With respect to the policy which result in this: that the new States have no exclusive claim I advocate-taking off a portion of the population of the to these lands, and that the States, as such, taken altoold States-I can fully appreciate it. Tennessee will be gether, have no other claim to them or their proceeds deprived of many of its most valuable citizens; with me, than they have to moneys arising from other sources of however, this forms no objection; I will never legislate to revenue; and, of course, Congress has no power to give it keep men where they are, that others may be benefited to the States, or to apply it to any other objects or purposes by their labor. Should any of my fellow-citizens consult than those conferred on Congress by the constitution. me upon the subject of their removal, my language to By giving this destination to this fund, we fulfil the dethem would be, "We should be glad if you could find it sign and expectation of the original donors, as well as the to your interest to remain amongst us, because we are un- intention of the old Congress, to whom the donations willing to part with you; but if you can make yourself were made. By the constitution of the United States, more happy and independent, if you can better provide the title to these lands is transferred to the new Governfor yourselves and families by going to a new country, ment, on which, by that instrument, the burden is placed go, and prosperity attend you." This is the way I feel, of paying the national debt; of carrying on our foreign and this is the way I incline to act towards the citizens of intercourse with all nations; of raising and supporting my own State: and why should we feel any prejudice the army and navy; of sustaining the Executive, Judicial, against this policy? The now waste lands are to be the and Legislative branches of this Government. These are homes of our children, and childrens' children; let us then legitimate subjects of public expenditure, and to these adopt a liberal policy for their improvement. It should should this fund be applied; they are for the common also be recollected that we have a very extensive expos- benefit of all, and therefore within the meaning of the ed frontier in the West; we have gathered all the Indian deeds of cession. Upon the subject of graduating the tribes together; we have concentrated that which makes price, I think the Government should adopt the same a formidable force, which may, at some future period, be rule which any prudent man, who owned a large quantity employed against the United States. How can we pro- of laud, and was anxious to sell it, would pursue; that vide against attacks from that quarter in any way so effec- would certainly be to lower the price, whenever all the tually as by having a dense population in the immediate lands of first quality were sold, and he could not find neighborhood? By this means you will also lessen the ex-purchasers who would buy lands of inferior quality at the penditures of the Government, and give security to those price originally fixed, after the public lands have remainwho are now most exposed to danger. Another consi-ed in market at the minimum price for ten or fifteen deration of great weight upon this subject is, that New years. Surely it would be sound policy to offer them at Orleans, the great commercial city of the West, will al- a lower rate; this would not only be beneficial to the ways be the point of attack aimed at by a powerful fo- General Government, but the advantage to the new reign enemy with whom we may be at war. The best States would be incalculable, as thereby the whole lands security you can afford it will be found in thickly lining within their respective limits would become subject to the banks of the Mississippi, and filling up the adjacent State taxation. I, therefore, am willing at this time to country with freemen interested in the soil. An oppor-vote for giving settlement rights to occupants at fifty tunity to do this is now presented by the recent acquisi- cents per acre, and to graduate the price according to tions of territory from the Choctaw and Chickasaw tribes the different qualities of land, and to reject at once the |