or to recover their rights to carry for themselves, and to enjoy the gains thereof. Our own Government, however, having slept upon its post for so many years, has yet to be aroused to the performance of this duty. The events of the late war with Spain should have opened its eyes to national needs, but, building none, it still buys or hires foreign steamers for the transport of its troops to and from our distant possessions, while the late wonderful increase of our foreign trade — carried in foreign vessels diverts and entertains the public mind. Even the commerce with the Philippine Islands, being a branch of our domestic carrying trade, has been treated as foreign trade open to foreign vessels, and will be until 1904.

Ruin Due to Change of Policy. If our early policy had been continued, our navigation would have kept pace with our commerce. But we had competitors who hated that policy and strove for a change in their own interest. In 1815, yielding to the wishes of Great Britain, our Government began a deviation from our true course, to take our own way in exercising our right, to encourage our navigation, thereby to maintain a marine of our own, and consented to a false course of binding ourselves to indifference, giving British subjects a better chance to cut our people out of trade, to undermine our merchants, and to overthrow our power at sea. While we had been free to cherish navigation, and had attended to its needs, foreign shipping and alien merchants could not monopolize our transportation and our trade. But they got their chance and improved it. One surrender makes way for another. From time to time we veered and tacked, changing course to please some nation, never returning to the true one, until, in 1828, Congress, by a final act, completely reversed our early policy, laid down the present one, and took leave of the American ship.

Our Government practically said to the world, "Ours is a carrying trade that any nation can have let who will come and take it." And they have all come, and carried away. In view now of our national needs, it is clear that a serious mistake was made in 1815, in 1824, and in 1828. Reciprocal liberty of commerce" is, for us, nothing but an illusion of a liberal mind innocent of "the tricks of trade." We need to get back our

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carrying trade. How rightly to accomplish this work is a pressing question. Our original policy still obtains as to shipbuilding and the domestic carrying trade. Congress did not sacrifice these great interests. Only our carrying to and from foreign countries the business wanted by our rivals has been blasted and destroyed. To say that the cunning diplomacy which has effected this disaster shall stand is to say that an American marine shall never exist, for what will kill cannot bring to life.

We have the right, the duty, and the power, to resume our liberty and to put in force our former policy. It is demonstrable now, that foreign systems of ship protection, foreign combinations of shipowners and underwriters, and impositions of all sorts, for the prevention of employment of American shipping, make regulations of our commerce for securing its employment absolutely necessary and essential. All other remedies will be found without restorative principle, powerless or unconstitutional. Only suitable and vigorous treatment can be successful. Strenuous foreign opposition may be expected to attend our endeavor, be our measures what they may. On the other hand, every interference of our rivals must be withstood, for we must have a marine of our own for our own work. "Will the rewards repay the hazard and the toil?"

Advantages and Benefits of Maritime Pursuits. A statement of the principal reasons why the American people, now eighty millions, rich and powerful, should carry on their own commerce and navigation, do their own shipbuilding, underwriting, and banking, and pursue as they may see fit every business, trade, or calling, related to the sea, has never been presented, connectedly, in any writing heretofore published. It will be in place here, since in the public mind these reasons must lie at the threshold of the shipping question. For easy comprehension they may be grouped under five general heads. These are: 1. The Industrial. 2. The Commercial. 3. The Financial. 4. The Political, and, 5. Military Interests, of the United States every reason rooted in national good, nothing urged on the score of private interest.

CHAPTER II.

THE NATIONAL OBJECTS OF A WISE SHIPPING POLICY.

1. THE INDUSTRIAL INTEREST.

THE first and principal want of a civilized community is opportunity for industry and enterprise, for employment and business. If we search, where shall we find to-day, belonging to ourselves by right, trades, occupations, and careers that would be more congenial, honorable, and profitable than shipbuilding, navigation, and commerce with foreign countries? These three grand divisions of enterprise embrace a host of pursuits, all of them worthy of cultivation, many of them suited well to the genius of our people. Carried on commensurate with present needs, their value may be estimated as follows:

Shipbuilding, next ten years, 7,000,000 tons potential,1

And our commerce doubles in fifteen years, while shipbuilding, carrying, and trading increase commensurately.

In these important branches of industry at least five per cent. of our population could find support. At the present, we are carrying about eight per cent. of the value of our foreign commerce with Europe alone, two and a half per cent. — and of our exports, only seven per cent. Our participation in the shipbuilding, and in the trading, underwriting, and banking involved, is correspondingly low. We are getting not to exceed forty millions a year out of fifteen hundred millions within our

1 This is an expression for the unit of combined sail and steam.

rights, if not easily within our reach. Of late we have seen our possessions greatly extended, large armies raised, and fleets sent abroad to subdue and hold the territory we have gained; but a century may roll around before our people can work up a commerce with the new lands worth a tithe of what we should soon secure were we to make good the motto: "American ships for American commerce; " for this means also, "American trade for American merchants." There is no question about the constitutionality of expansion seaward. There is no sacrifice of life, or waste of money involved. Why, we may take all our outlying domain, and we shall never realize as much business opportunity from it as we should secure from reclaiming the conduct of our commerce, with its carriage, its shipbuilding, and the underwriting and banking belonging thereto. Verily, the country needs another MADISON in the House of Representatives to touch the unburied corpse of American Navigation and cause it to live again.

The Sea as a Reservation. It has been a policy of Congress to set aside "reservations" for the Indians, and to prevent our own people from settling on such lands. When a reservation is opened, however, there is a rush for "homes," restraint having caused an uncommon demand. But we may have reservations at sea as well as ashore. So long as Congress encouraged navigation the sea was open to various pursuits, while connected trades were followed on shore. Of late, however, our people have, virtually, been shut out from the sea and the shore, as far as foreign trade is concerned. They can engage in the "domestic" trade, as that is still protected by law, foreign vessels being excluded from it; but in the trade with foreign countries both labor and capital suffer restraint. The policy of our Government has set up a "reservation" for foreigners rivals at the best, enemies upon occasion. Our labor and capital that would exploit the ocean could hardly be made worse off by an embargo. There must be rightful and adequate encouragement to the employment of American shipping before our young men can have a call to the sea; to the many trades involved in shipbuilding; to become shipmasters or engineers; or to begin a career as merchants, underwriters, or bankers, in connection.

with their country's commerce. In consequence of giving up the sea to foreigners, we present to-day a ridiculous situation, — a maritime country, populous and rich, without a tithe of true maritime power, almost no marine for foreign commerce, and a small navy that we cannot man with native seamen, either in the engine-room or at the guns.

Our Inherent Rights. Our rights and interests upon the ocean are guaranteed by the Constitution, in the clause giving power to "regulate" our commerce. It was intended this power should secure to the people of the United States the advantages, employments, and enterprises of the sea, of the carrying trade, of shipbuilding, and of commerce, forever. The use of this power, so essential to our independence and prosperity, has been abandoned. No other power has been thus laid aside to the disadvantage of the people; and this is the only one whose operation ever did, or ever will, create and maintain a marine of our own. Our progress is now actually barred by the want of such a marine and merchants of our own people to give it employment.

2. THE COMMERCIAL INTEREST.

We have now a growing foreign trade with employment for shipping next in extent to Great Britain. The value of her imports and exports combined is greater than that of any other nation. Our territory, population, and resources admit of greater increase of commerce than she can effect or ever equal. When we shall have surpassed her, in commerce, then our need for ships and merchants will exceed that of any other nation in the world. That day is fast coming, but will arrive the sooner, if the ships and the merchants to employ them shall become our own without delay. For two hundred and fifty years, the British have aimed to engross the ocean carrying trade, as a means of extending their commerce. To this end, our own commerce and that of other countries and communities have been carried and controlled, directed or restricted, as British interest has dictated. The larger our marine, the more profitable will be our commerce, and the greater our influence in the world.