MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR HANCOCK. [Extract from the Speech of Gov. HANCOCK, to the Senate and House of Representatives, at the opening of the General Court, held, by adjournment, at Boston, February 27, 1788.] "In the beginning of your last session I laid before you the Constitution and frame of government for the United States of America, agreed upon by the late general Convention, and transmitted to me by Congress. As the system was to be submitted to the people, and to be decided upon by their delegates in Convention, I forbore to make any remarks upon it. The Convention which you appointed to deliberate upon that important subject, have concluded their session, after having adopted and ratified the proposed plan, according to their resolution, a copy whereof I have directed the secretary to lay before you. The obvious imbecility of the Confederation of the United States, has too long given pain to our friends, and pleasure to our enemies; but the forming a new system of government, for so numerous a people, of very different views and habits, spread upon such a vast extent of territory, containing such a great variety of soils, and under such extremes of climate, was a task which nothing less than the dreadful apprehension of losing our national existence, could have compelled the people to undertake. We can be known to the world only under the appellation of the United States; if we are robbed of the idea of our union, we immediately become separate nations, independent of each other, and no less liable to the depredations of foreign powers, than to wars and bloody contentions amongst ourselves. To pretend to exist as a nation without possessing those powers of coerce which are necessarily incident to the national character, would prove a fatal solecism in politics. The objects of the proposed Constitution are, defence against external enemies, and the promotion of tranquillity and happiness amongst the States. Whether it is well calculated for those important purposes, has been the subject of extensive and learned discussion in the Convention which you appointed. I believe there was never a body of men assembled, with greater purity of intention, or with higher zeal for the public interest. And although when the momentous question was decided, there was a greater division than some expected, yet there appeared a candor, and a spirit of conciliation in the minority, which did them great honor, and afforded a happy presage of unanimity amongst the people at large. Though so many of the members of the late Convention could not feel themselves convinced that they ought to vote for the ratification of this system, yet their opposition was conducted with a candid and manly firmness, and with such marks of integrity and real regard to the public interest, as did them the highest honor, and leaves no reason to suppose that the peace and good order of the government is not their object. The amendments proposed by the Convention are intended to obtain a constitutional security of the principles to which they refer themselves, and must meet the wishes of all the States. I feel myself assured that they will very early become a part of the Constitution, and when they shall be added to the proposed plan, I shall consider it the most perfect system of government, as to the objects it embraces, that has been known amongst mankind. Gentlemen: As that Being in whose hands is the government of all the nations of the earth, and who putteth down one, and raiseth up another, according to His sovereign pleasure, has given to the people of these States a rich and an extensive country; has in a marvellous manner given them a name and a standing among the nations of the world, has blessed them with external peace and internal tranquillity; I hope and pray that the gratitude of their hearts may be expressed by a proper use of those inestimable blessings, by the greatest exertions of patriotism, by forming and suppofting institutions for cultivating the human understanding, and for the greatest progress of the arts and sciences, by establishing laws for the support of piety, religion and morality, as well as for punishing vice and wickedness, and by exhibiting on the great theatre of the world, those social, public and private virtues, which give more dignity to a people possessing their own sovereignty, than crowns and diadems afford to sovereign princes." MINUTES. JANUARY 15, 1788. The paragraph in debate was the biennial election of the representatives. CALEB STRONG. Stated the grounds proceeded on in Federal Convention; determined at first to be triennial; afterwards reduced to biennial; South Carolina having at home biennial elections, and it was a compromise. FISHER AMES. People cannot, without a representation, exercise any powers but pulling down a government. Man has no natural liberty in a state of nature, because he has no security for it. Too long or too short a time for elections is dangerous and inconvenient. The time must be regulated by the nature of the business the representatives have to do. 1. The extensive dominion to be governed. 2. The object of legislation. 3. The security of the liberties of the people. GILBERT DENCH. Immaterial whether biennial or annual. My difficulty is, whether biennial elections are secured to the people in the fourth section. He was called to order, for reasoning on that section, by Mr. Dana. After debate, Mr. Dench stated, he was satisfied he was out of order. Gov. BOWDOIN. Thought that Dench was in order. He was called to order by Mr. Parsons, when, after some debate, the following question was put : To reconsider the order of debate passed yesterday, so far as to amend it by allowing any member to refer to any other paragraph which in his opinion relates to the paragraph under debate, and it passed in the affirmative. Then Gov. BOWDOIN arose. There was no reason for annual elections arising from the course of the sun, for the time of election would then be varied in every planet. He then argued in favor of a biennial election. 1. There was no danger, as |