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ment, to which the firft of patriots would have chosen to confign his fame-it is my earnest prayer to heaven, that our country may fubfift, even to that late day, in the plenitude of its liberty and happiness, and mingle its mild glory with WASHINGTON'S.

PRESIDENT ADAMS' MESSAGE TO CONGRESS ON SOLICITING MRS. WASHINGTON'S ASSENT TO THE MODE OF INTERRING THE REMAINS OF GEN. WASHINGTON.

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GENTLEMEN of the fenate, and gentlemen of the houfe of representatives,-in compliance with the request in one of the refolutions of congrefs of the twenty-first of December laft, I tranfmitted a copy of those resolutions by my fecretary, Mr. Shaw, to Mrs. Washington, affuring her of the profound refpect congrefs will ever bear to her perfon and character; of their condolence in the late afflicting difpenfation of Providence, and intreating her affent to the interment of the remains of general GEORGE WASHINGTON, in the manner expreffed in the first resolution.

2. As the fentiments of that virtuous lady, not lefs beloved by this nation, than fhe is at prefent greatly afflicted, can never be fo well expreffed as in her own words; I tranfmit to congrefs her original letter.

3. It would be an attempt of too much delicacy, to make any comments on it, but there can be no doubt, that the nation at large, as well as all the branches of the government, will be highly gratified by any arrangement which may diminish the facrifice she makes of her individual feelings. JOHN ADAMS.

United States, Jan. 8, 1800..

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MRS. WASHINGTON's LETTER.

MOUNT VERNON, December 31, 1799.

SIR-While I feel with keenest anguish, the late difpenfations of Divine Providence, I cannot be infenfible to the mournful tributes of respect and veneration, which are paid to the memory of my dear deceased husband; and, as his best services and most anxious wishes, were always devoted to the welfare and happiness of his country, to know that they were truly appreciated, and gratefully remembered, affords no inconfiderable confolation.

2. Taught by the great example, which I have fo long had before me, never to oppose my private. wishes to the public will, I must confent to the request made by congrefs, which you have had the goodness to tranfmit me; and in doing this I need not, I cannot fay, what a facrifice of individual feeling I make to a sense of public duty.

3. With grateful acknowledgments and unfeigned thanks for the perfonal respect and evidences of condolence expressed by congrefs and yourself; I remain very respectfully, fir, your most obedient and humble fervant,

MARTHA WASHINGTON.

The prefident of the United States.

REFLECTIONS ON THE LIBERTIES OF THE UNITED STATES.

1. UNACQUAINTED with the state of fociety here, Europe faw with wonder, the spirit of freedom unconquerable in America: rifing, the more it fuffered, the more fuperior to all the attempts of the wifest and most powerful nation of Europe.

2. The minifters of Britain at that time, were men of great eminence and abilities, in managing business, on the European fyftem: but they had no ideas of the state of things in America, or of a fyftem in which nature and fociety had combined to produce and to preserve freedom.`

3. What they called rebellion, was only the tendency of nature and fociety towards freedom, made more active, by their oppofition. Miftaking the caufe, they perpetually mistook in their measures: and what could not have happened from any other caufe but total mistake, it was their fingular ill fortune never to judge right, either through defign, or by mistake. The refult was the natural effect of

things.

4. It did not partake of the nature of miracles, of the extravagant spirit of chivalry, or of the madness of relig ious or political enthusiasm. It was nothing more than the natural effect, of natural causes.

5. Freedom, for a century and a half, had been the conftant product and effect, of the ftate of fociety in the British colonies: and when the decifive trial was to be made, this ftate of fociety produced its natural effect ;—a firm, fteady, unabating, and unceafing conteft, which could not admit of any other period, but the total destruction, or complete establishment of freedom.

6. No other caufe but that which firft produced the freedom of America, will prove fufficient to fupport and preferve it. It is in the ftate of fociety that civil freedom has its origin, and fupport. The effect can never be more pure or perfect, than the caufes from whence it arifes; and all thofe caufes terminate in the ftate and condition of the pecple.

7. The form of government by which the public bufiness is to be done, a bill of rights to afcertain the just claims of the people, a conftitution to direct and restrain the legiflature, a code of laws to guide and direct the executive authority, are matters of high importance to any people; and are juftly esteemed among the wifeft productions, of ancient or modern times.

8. But no people ought to expect that any thing of this nature will avail to fecure, or to perpetuate their liberties. Such things are confequences, not the caufes; the evidences, not the origin of the liberties of the people.

9. They derive their whole authority and force, from the public fentiment; and are of no further avail to fecure the liberties of the people, than as they tend to exprefs, to form, and to preserve the public opinion. If this alters and

changes, any bill of rights, any conftitution or form of government, and law, may easily be fet afide, be changed, or be made of none effect.

10. For it will never be dangerous for the government of any people, to make any alterations or changes, which the public opinion will either allow, justify, or fupport. Nor ought any people to expect, that their legiflators or governors will be able to preferve their liberties, for a long period of time. Any body of men who enjoy the powers and profits of public employments, will unavoidably wish to have those profits and powers increased.

11. The difficulties they will meet with in the execution of their office, the unreasonable oppofition that will be made by many to their wifest and best measures, and the constant attempts to displace them, by those whose only aim and wish is to fucceed them; fuch things, joined with a natural love of power and profit, will not fail to convince all men in public employments, that it would be best for the public to put more confidence and power in them.

12. While they thus with and aim to increase and add ftrength to their own powers and emoluments, those powers and emoluments will be called the powers and the dignity of government. It may be doubted whether men are much to blame, for wifhing and aiming at that, which their fituation and employment naturally lead to. The effect feems to be univerfal.

13. It has ever been the cafe that government has had an univerfal tendency, to increase its own powers, revenues and influence. No people ought to expect that things will have a different tendency among them that men will cease to be men, or become a more pure and perfect order of beings, because they have the powers of government commit. ted to them.

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On what then can the people depend, for the fupport and preservation of their rights and freedom? On no beings or precautions under heaven, but themselves. The fpirit of liberty is a living principle. It lives in the minds, principles, and fentiments of the people.

15. It lives in their industry, virtue, and public fentiment or rather it is produced, preferved, and kept alive, by the state of fociety. If the body of the people shall lofe

their property, their knowledge, and their virtue, their greatest and most valuable blessings are loft at the same time.

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16. With the loss of these, public fentiment will be corrupted with the corruption of the public fentiment, bills of rights, conftitutions written upon paper and all the volumes of written law, will lofe their force, and utility.

17. Their government will immediately begin to change : and when the people have themselves loft the cause, the principle, and the fpirit of freedom, they will no longer be capable of a free government: they are better fuited for the restraints of ariftocracy, or what is far better, for the regulations of monarchy. The conftitutions and the laws of fuch a people, will no more preserve their freedom, than the tombs and the coffins of Montefquieu and Franklin, will retain their abilities and virtues.

18. Ye people of the United States of America, behold here the precarious foundation on which ye hold your liberties.

They reft not on things written on paper, nor on the virtues, the vices, or the defigns of other men, but they depend on yourselves; on your maintaining your property, your knowledge, and your virtue. Nature and fociety have joined to produce, and to establish freedom in America.

19. You are now in the full poffeffion of all your natural and civil rights; under no reftraints in acquiring knowledge, property, or the highest honors of your country; in the most rapid state of improvement, and population; with perfect freedom to make further improvements in your own condition.

20. In this ftate of fociety, every thing is adapted to promote the profperity, the importance, and the improvement of the body of the people. But nothing is fo eftablifhed among men, but that it may change and vary. If you fhould lofe that fpirit of induftry, of economy, of knowledge, and of virtue, which led you to independence and to empire, then, but not till then, will you lose your freedom: preserve your virtues, and your freedom will be perpetual!

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