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policies; to make thofe mutual conceffions which are requifite to the general profperity; and, in fome instances, to facrifice their individual advantages to the intereft of the community.

21. These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our independency and national character must be fupported. Liberty is the bafis-and whoever would dare to fap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever fpecious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bittereft execration, and the feverest punishment, which can be inflicted by his injured country.

22. On the three firft articles I will make a few obfervations; leaving the laft to the good fenfe and ferious confideration of thofe immediately concerned.

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23. Under the first head, although it may not be neceffary or proper for me in this place to enter into a particular difquifition of the principles of the union, and to take up the great question which has been frequently agitated, whether it be expedient and requifite for the ftates to delegate a larger proportion of power to congrefs, or not; yet it will be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to affert without referve, and to infit upon the following pofitions':

24. That unless the states will fuffer congrefs to exercise thofe prerogatives they are undoubtedly invefted with by the conftitution, every thing muft very rapidly tend to anarchy and confufion that it is indifpenfable to the happiness of the individual states. that there fhould be lodged, fomewhere, a fupreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated republic, without which the union cannot be of long duration:

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25. That there must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part of every state with the late proposals and demands of congrefs, or the most fatal confequences will enfue that whatever measures have a tendency to diffolve the union, or contribute to violate or leffen the fovereign authority, ought to be confidered as hoftile to the liberty and independency of America, and the authors of them treated accordingly.

26. And, laftly, that unless we can be enabled by the concurrence of the ftates to participate of the fruits of the

revolution, and enjoy the effential benefits of civil fociety, under a form of government fo free and uncorrupted, fo happily guarded against the danger of oppreffion, as has been devised and adopted by the articles of confederation, it will be a fubject of regret, that fo much blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpofe; that fo many fufferings have been encountered without a compenfation, and that fo many facrifices have been made in vain.

27. Many other confiderations might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformity to the spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an independent power. It will be fufficient for my purpose to mention but one or two, which feem to me of the greatest importance.

28. It is only in our united character, as an empire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our power can be regarded, or our credit fupported among foreign nations. The treaties of the European powers with the United States of America will have no validity on a diffolution of the union.

29. We fhall be left nearly in a state of nature; or we may find, by our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural and neceffary progreffion from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and that arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentioufnefs.

30. As to the second article, which refpects the performance of public juftice, congress have, in their late addrefs to the United States, almost exhausted the subject; they have explained their ideas fo fully, and have enforced the obligations the ftates are under to render complete juftice to all the public creditors, with fo much dignity and energy, that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honor and independency of America can hesitate a single moment refpecting the propriety of complying with the juft and honorable meafures propofed.

31. If their arguments do not produce conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influence, especially when we reflect that the fyftem referred to, being the refult of the collected wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the leaft objectionable of any that could be devifed; and that, if it fhould not be carried into

immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable confequences, will take place before any different plan can poffibly be propofed or adopted; fo preffing are the prefent circumftances, and fuch is the alternative now offered to the ftates.

32. The ability of the country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted; and inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting. The path of our duty is plain before us; honefty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best and only true policy.

33. Let us then, as a nation, be juft; let us fulfil the public contracts which congrefs had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the fame good faith we fuppofe ourselves bound to perform our private engagements.

34. In the mean time, let an attention to the cheerful performance of their proper bufinefs, as individuals, and as members of fociety, be earneftly inculcated on the citizens of America; then will they ftrengthen the bands of government, and be happy under its protection. Every one will reap the fruit of his labors: every one will enjoy his own acquifitions, without molestation and without danger.

35. In this state of abfolute freedom and perfect fecurity, who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to support the common interefts of fociety, and enfure the protection of government? Who does not remember the frequent declarations at the commencement of the war, That we should be completely fatisfied, if, at the expense of one half, we could defend the remainder of our poffeffions?

36. Where is the man to be found, who wishes to remain in debt, for the defence of his own person and proper. ty, to the exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without making one generous effort to pay the debt of honor and of gratitude? In what part of the continent shall we find any man, or body of men, who would not blush to ftand up and propofe measures purposely calculated to rob the foldier of his ftipend, and the public creditor of his due?

37. And were it poffible that fuch a flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would it not excite the general

indignation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of fuch meafures the aggravated vengeance of heaven?

38. If, after all, a fpirit of difunion, or a temper of obftinacy and perverseness should manifeft itself in any of the ftates, if fuch an ungracious difpofition fhould attempt to fruftate all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from the union; if there should be a refufal to comply with requifitions for funds to discharge the annual interest of the public debts; and if that refufal fhould revive all thofe jealoufies, and produce all thofe evils, which are now happily removed, congrefs, who have in all their tranfactions, fhown a great degree of magnanimity and juftice, will ftand juftified in the fight of God and man! and that ftate alone, which puts itself in oppofition to the aggregate wisdom of the continent, and follows fuch mistaken and pernicious councils, will be refponfible for all the confe

quences.

39. For my own part, conscious of having acted while a fervant of the public, in the manner I conceived best fuited to promote the real interests of my country; having in confequence of my fixed belief, in fome measure pledged myself to the army, that their country would finally do them complete and ample justice; and not wifhing to conceal any inftance of my official conduct from the eyes of the world, I have thought, proper to tranfmit to your excellency the enclosed collection of papers, relative to the half-pay and commutation granted by congrefs to the officers of the army.

40. From these communications my decided fentiment will be clearly comprehended, together with the conclufive reafons which induced me, at an early period, to recommend the adoption of this measure in the most earnest and serious

manner.

41. As the proceedings of congrefs, the army, and my felf, are open to all, and contain, in my opinion, fufficient information to remove the prejudices and errors which may have been entertained by any, I think it unneceffary to fay any thing more than just to observe, that the refolutions of congrefs, now alluded to, are as undoubtedly and abfolute, ly binding upon the United States, as the most folemn acts of confederation or legislation.

42. As to the idea which, I am informed, has in fome

inftances prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded merely in the odious light of a penfion, it ought to be exploded for ever: that provifion fhould be viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compenfation offered by congrefs, at a time when they had nothing else to give to officers of the army, for fervices then to be performed.

43. It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the fervice. It was a part of their hire; I may be allowed to fay, it was the price of their blood, and of your independency. It is therefore more than a common debt; it is a debt of honor; it can never be confidered as a penfion or gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged. 44. With regard to the diftinction between officers and foldiers, it is fufficient that the uniform experience of every nation of the world combined with our own, proves the utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards in proportion to the aid the public draws from them, are unquef tionably due to all its fervants.

45. In fome lines, the foldiers have perhaps, generally, had as ample compenfation for their fervices, by the large bounties which have been paid them, as their officers will receive in the proposed commutation;

46. In others, if, befides the donation of land, the payment of arrearages of clothing and wages, (in which articles all the component parts of the army must be put upon the fame footing,) we take into the estimate the bounties many of the foldiers have received, and the gratuity of one year's full pay, which is promised to all, poffibly their fituation, (every circumftance being duly confidered,) will not be deemed lefs eligible than that of the officers.

47. Should a farther reward, however, be judged equitable, I will venture to affert, no man will enjoy greater fatisfaction than myself, in an exemption from taxes for a limited time, (which has been petitioned for in fome instances,) or any other adequate immunity or compenfation granted to the brave defenders of their country's caufe.

48. But neither the adoption or rejection of this propo!fition will, in any manner, affect, much lefs militate against, the act of congrefs, by which they have offered five years full pay, in lieu of the half-pay for life, which had been before promised to the officers of the army.

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