the war, remonstrated in the following pathetic terms: "Hitherto we have been known first as the faithful friends and allies of the Queen, and then as her faithful subjects. Up to the Zambesi and down to Cape Town we are known as such-we are named the children of the Queen. If we are disarmed, will not other tribes say that we have offended against the Government?"

The political position of the Basutos was anomalous. When they swore allegiance to the crown in 1869, it was with the stipulation that they should not form part of Cape Colony, and they were not, until 1879, when the act conferring autonomy upon the colony heedlessly turned them over to the tender mercies of the Cape Government. The Basutos were a branch of the Bechuana tribe, one of the most superior and intelligent races of the Bantu family. After the formation of the tribe in Basutoland they became involved in constant disputes with the Orange Free State Boers on one side and the Zooloos on the other, and, when these growing states menaced them with extinction, they appealed to the British authorities for protection, and were accepted as British subjects. Their subsequent history is one of peaceful prosperity and advancement unexampled among African races. They grew rich in cattle, horses, and grain; built houses, schools, and churches; and were tenderly loyal until the offensive orders to deliver up their lawfully acquired weapons. Letsie and his tribe complied, but their arms were intercepted and seized before their delivery by the indignant majority. The invasion of Basutoland by the Cape militia and the earlier stages of the war of resistance are recounted in the "Annual Cyclopædia" for 1880.

The Basutos made skirmishing assaults in the beginning of January upon the towns of Maseru and Leribe and the picket-line of Colonel Carrington's advancing column. In a vigorous attack on the 10th the Burgher Guards gave way, and the field was held only by a line of dismounted cavalry. The burghers were suspected of being actuated by sympathy for the Transvaal rebels, and a large number of them were sentenced to imprisonment. The Basutos were becoming weary of fighting and suffered for want of food. They sued for peace, and an armistice of seven days was granted on the 18th for them to consider the Governor's answer. They did not accept the proposals through distrust, and desired to settle the terms with the imperial authorities. Active hostilities were not resumed again, with the exception of a few fitful attacks. The imperial authorities refused to intervene unless the Colonial Government should resign the control of Basutoland entirely. This a considerable party in the colony desired to do. Sir Hercules Robinson finally, at the request of the Basuto chiefs and by desire of the Cape ministry, arranged the conditions for the cessation of the ineffectual struggle. The Basutos were

to pay a fine of 5,000 cattle to the Cape Government, to restore property taken from loyal natives, and to pay £1 annual license fee for the privilege of keeping a gun, and should enjoy entire amnesty and suffer no confiscation of territory. It was found impossible to thoroughly enforce the provisions of the agreement.

In

The outbreak of the Transvaal rebellion is noticed in the "Annual Cyclopædia" for 1880. The Boers had reasons to dread the aggressions of the British. Their ancestors were driven by wrongs and indignities to abandon their homes in the old colony and go into the unexplored wilderness. The Republic of Natalia which they founded no sooner began to prosper than it was invaded and conquered by British troops. The Boers again abandoned their fertile fields for the bleak desert. They founded the independent South African republics. In 1848 the land between the Vaal and Orange Rivers was annexed by Great Britain, and then the land between the upper Caledon and the Vaal. This act drove them to rebel, and the British chased them into the unknown wilderness beyond the Vaal. 1852 a convention was signed, guaranteeing to the Boers north of the Vaal River "the right to manage their own affairs, and to govern themselves according to their own laws." When the Transvaal was annexed after twentyfive years of tranquillity, the population had increased to between thirty and forty thousand whites, and the revenue to about £70,000. The annexation met the clamorous approval of a class of British traders and land speculators who had flocked into the Transvaal after the gold discoveries, adventurers who sought pecuniary profit in the disturbance of rights which would ensue. The prospect that President Burgers's projected railroad to Delagoa Bay would deprive Durban of the Transvaal trade was a strong secret motive with English colonists for demanding the annexation. A financial and political crisis of the Transvaal Government furnished the occasion for the usurpation. The fear that financial aid would be furnished for Burgers's project of establishing a Transvaal port, which might be followed by a German protectorate, was one of the state reasons for the step. The Boers themselves were undoubtedly almost unanimously opposed. The formal protest of President Burgers at the time, the two visits of the delegates, Joubert and Kruger, to England, and the mass-meetings of remonstrance, should have left no doubt of the rooted aversion of the Boers to British dominion.

The arrogance and unfitness of the administrator set over the Transvaal, Sir Owen Lanyon, and the other British officials, was one of the proximate causes of the outbreak. During the agitation which lasted throughout the three years of British administration, and during and at the close of their desperate rebellion, the Boer leaders and representative men iterated and reiterated the conditions under which a

connection with the British Empire would be endurable to the Boer people, conditions which it required the deplorable war to make clear to the British Parliament and people, and which were at last freely accorded before a British force had set foot across the Transvaal boundary, though defeat following defeat had brought the blush of shame into many Englishmen's faces and stirred thoughts of revenge in their hearts, and although enough British troops had just landed in Natal to speedily exterminate the valiant descendants of Huguenot refugees and stalwart Dutch pioneers.

One of the strongest reasons for the annexation had been the frequent difficulties of the Boers with the native tribes. The principal danger had been averted by the extinction of the Zooloo power, accompanied by the reversal of the British commissioners' decision on the chief matter in dispute, their award to Cetewayo of the land which he had formally ceded to the Transvaal, and which had already been settled by Transvaal farmers. The cession of Keate's award, in which diamonds had been discovered, to natives by a British arbitrator, probably preparatory to engrossing it in the British dominion, as had been done with West Griqualand, was another instance of the obliquity of British arbitrations. Nevertheless the Boers were content from the beginning to refer boundary questions and disputes with the aborigines to English adjudication, and much more so after the punishment of their old enemies the Zooloos. If it had not been for the wars with Cetewayo and Secocoeni, the Boers would have struck earlier for independence.

In the middle of December, 1880, the republican flag was raised in Heidelberg, a Volksraad was convened, and the South African Republic proclaimed. The Boer Government was originally composed of Kruger as President; Joubert, Commandant-General; Jorissen, Attorney-General; and Bok, acting State Secretary. Pretorius was afterward associated with Kruger and Joubert in the supreme direction. A proclamation of the Boer Government set forth their desire to form a confederacy with the other colonies and states; their willingness to receive a British resident diplomatic agent to represent the interests of British subjects; and also to submit to arbitration their disputes over boundaries with native tribes. Besides the quarrel concerning a small tract in the southeast, which had led to the Zooloo war, there was the standing difficulty about the large and fertile region in the southwest corner of the Transvaal, called the Keate award, which the British referee had awarded unconditionally to native claimants, and the vast region of the northeast from which the Boer settlers had been expelled by native tribes who had been for a long time in possession of the entire country. The titles to lands in this reconquered territory had been bought up by speculators.

The first engagement of the war was the

surprise and surrender of a detachment under Lieutenant-Colonel Anstruther, at Bronker's Spruit, while marching from Middleburg to Pretoria, December 20, 1880. The rebellion of the Boers, with the triumvirate, Paul Kruger, Pretorius, and Joubert, at the head, was in full operation at the beginning of January, 1881. British garrisons were beleaguered in Pretoria and Potchefstroom. The Boers secured Natal as far as Newanka, and took possession of the Barkly district of Griqualand West. Sir George Colley was mustering his forces at Newcastle, with about fifteen hundred within call; while re-enforcements from India and Gibraltar were on the sea. General Colley advanced his column slowly toward Pretoria. The means of transport were nearly all in the possession of the Boers and their sympathizers. On the 28th of January he attempted to force the pass of the Drakensberg at Laing's Neck, which the Boers were massed to defend. The republicans displayed steadiness and courage of the highest order, and repulsed the rash British commander with severe losses. The Fiftyeighth Regiment, which stormed the strong intrenched position of the Boers, was driven back with terrible slaughter. Many of the officers were picked off by sharp-shooters. Sir George Colley was now himself hemmed in on all sides. In an attempt to restore communications with Newcastle he was attacked by the Boers near the crossing of the Ingogo, February 8th, and lost one hundred and fifty men and six officers.

Re-enforcements landed at Durban at this juncture, when every British force in Africa was surrounded by the Boers, of whom 10,000 to 12,000 were under arms. They withdrew beyond the Drakensberg and perfected the fortifications at Laing's Neck as Sir Evelyn Wood brought up re-enforcements to Newcastle. Proposals for a treaty had already come from Kruger, and had been forwarded to England, when General Colley proceeded to occupy with about 700 men the height of the Spitzkop on Majuba Mountain, which commanded the Boers' position. On the following day, February 27th, the Boers carried the eminence by storm, with the most heroic exertions. The British commander, Sir George Pomeroy Colley, who was also the High Commissioner for Southeast Africa, was slain with 82 others, and 184 were disabled or captured. The repeated successes which the Dutch farmers gained over the British regulars were won in nearly every instance with astonishingly small numbers, although the morale of the British troops was not particularly defective. They were due to their desperate and religious devotion to the cause in which they were engaged, not less than to their splendid marksmanship with the rifle, and their alert and intelligent tactics. Sir Frederick Roberts was now appointed commander-in-chief, and about 15,000 troops were sent to the field of action from all parts of the empire. Before his arrival Sir Evelyn Wood, acting under instruc

tions from home, and Commandant-General Joubert, had arranged an armistice, procured through the intermediation of President Brand, of the Orange River Republic, to allow time for Kruger and the Boer authorities to consider terms of peace which the Imperial Government offered. Under the terms of the armistice the English were permitted to provision their beleaguered garrisons in Potchefstroom, Pretoria, Wakkerstroom, and Standerton with a week's rations. Before the supply - train reached Potchefstroom, the garrison surrendered, March 21st, giving up their guns and departing on parole for Natal. The withholding from the besieged force knowledge of the approach of succor was adjudged a violation of the armistice, and it was agreed to allow the fort to be reoccupied, to restore the status quo ante.

The strongest sympathy with the Boers and indignation at the course of Great Britain prevailed among the entire Dutch population of South Africa. It was this state of feeling which was advanced as the reason for taking vengeance upon the insurgents. The apprehensions caused by the known tension among the old families were augmented by a manifesto of Kruger, which said that, whether the Boers were now successful or not, the struggle would lead to the redemption of the colonies from the British yoke, and independence, like that achieved by the American colonies, when" Africa will be for the Afrikander from the Zambesi to Martin's Bay." The people of Holland and Belgium manifested publicly their sense of England's injustice, and a large section of the British public expressed the same sentiment. Public men in Germany, in France, and in other Continental countries set their names to memorials pleading for the bestowal of independence upon the Transvaal.

The negotiations with the Boers were concluded by their acceptance of the terms of peace, March 21st, subject to their final agreement in the decisions of a royal commission settling the details of boundaries and questions of the rights of natives. The commission was to consist of Sir Hercules Robinson, Governor of Cape Colony and High Commissioner for South Africa, President, and Sir Henry De Villiers, Chief-Justice of the Cape, and Sir Evelyn Wood, associate members. The Boers agreed to withdraw from Laing's Neck and disperse to their homes. The English garrisons should remain as they were pending the final settlement, but no troops or munitions of war were to be sent into the Transvaal. The main principles of the treaty were that the Boers should enjoy complete independence in making and administering their own laws; but the right to regulate and superintend their relations with the native population, which numbers nearly 700,000, the adjustment of frontier questions with the resident and neighboring tribes, and the control of foreign relations, were reserved by the Imperial Government,

represented by the High Commissioner in Cape Town, and in the Transvaal by a resident imperial agent. This peculiar form of a protectorate was defined under the new term of the suzerainty of the Queen. The determination of the rights and claims of the natives and of provisions for the protection of native interests was the task imposed upon the commissioners, who immediately commenced their labors. They were also empowered by the terms of the settlement to decide the question of the severance from the Transvaal of portions of the territory in the east and northeast settled by natives, and thus separate the Zooloo and Swazi districts from the Transvaal. The last proposition was loudly condemned by the Boer people. After the conclusion of this preliminary settlement, the Boers departed for their farms. The British commander, General Wood, did not decrease his armaments, but prepared vigorously for the case of a renewal of the war.

After many difficulties and compromises a convention was settled between the Boer authorities and the commissioners on the 8th of August. The Transvaal Government undertook the debt of £425,893, payable in twentyseven years, at 44 per cent interest, on account of the liabilities which the British Government had assumed at the annexation, and the expenses of Secocoeni's war. The Boers and the British each agreed to reimburse sufferers of damages through the military operations. The convention was ratified by the Volksraad in October.

The Cape Parliament met March 25th. The Premier of Cape Colony, Gordon Sprigg, the author of the Basuto war, was nearly removed from office in April by a vote of censure, for raising, on his own responsibility, a loan of £1,250,000, for the prosecution of that unfortunate military essay, and for the other war expenditures of the colony. The war itself was not condemned by either the West or the East colonists, the Afrikander or the English section of the community. Mr. Sprigg represented more especially the English element, as opposed to the Dutch, and the aggressive spirit of the former Imperial Government. He had been called upon by Sir Bartle Frere three years before to succeed Molteno, who had been arbitrarily dismissed while still backed by a parliamentary majority. Upon a subsequent renewal of Mr. Scanlan's motion, Mr. Sprigg resigned. A new ministry was formed, composed of Mr. Molteno, the Prime Minister whom Sir Bartle Frere had removed, Colonial Secretary; Mr. Hutton, Treasurer - General; Mr. Scanlan, Attorney-General and Premier; Mr. Merriman, Commissioner of Crown Lands and Public Works; Mr. Sauer, Secretary for Native Affairs; Mr. Hoffmeyer, without a portfolio.

In the budget of the Cape Treasurer the revenue of the colony for 1881 is estimated at £2,968,210, and the expenditure at £2,852,083.

The revenue for the year concluded was £2, 800,000, and the expenditure £2,633,783.

The Assembly resolved that an amendment to the Constitution be adopted, to allow the option of addressing Parliament in the Dutch language. The further extension of railroads was decided upon, including a line to West Griqualand. Harbor improvements were also authorized. The railroad construction authorized involves expenditures amounting to five millions sterling.

CARLYLE, THOMAS, an eloquent British author and leader of contemporary thought, died at his house in Chelsea, February 5th. He was the eldest of a family of eight children. His father, James Carlyle, the son of a small Scotch tenant farmer, was a working stonemason at the time of the author's birth, and afterward became a prosperous farmer; he was a man of rectitude and energy, possessing mental traits and endowments similar to those which, developed in literary form, gave his son the mighty influence he has exercised over the English mind. All his sons became men of character and ability. Thomas Carlyle was born at Ecclefechan, a village near Dumfries, December 4, 1795. He learned to read and write in the parish school of Hoddam, and was taught the elements of Latin by the minister. In his ninth year he passed into the burgh school at Annan. Before his fourteenth birth day he entered the University of Edinburgh. He made few friends, and was little interested in the professors and their teachings, although they numbered among them men of European reputation, who were able to inspire an unu sual zest in the generality of students for the literary and philosophical studies of the classroom. Carlyle devoted himself to reading, exploring with avidity the college library and the various circulating libraries of the city. These independent and desultory studies were so confining as to impair his health. Under Sir John Leslie, whom alone among the professors he made his friend, he obtained a knowledge of mathematics rare among youths of his years. He was destined for the ministry by his father, but after passing through the four years' curriculum of arts he concluded that he could not conscientiously follow that profession. "Now that I had gained man's estate,' ," he said, recounting the spiritual crisis he passed through in deciding the question, "I was not sure that I believed the doctrines of my father's kirk; and it was needful I should now settle it. And so I entered my chamber and closed the door, and around me there came a trooping throng of phantasms dire from the abysmal depths of nethermost perdition; doubt, fear, unbelief, mockery, and scoffing were there; and I wrestled with them in agony of spirit." He embraced the calling of a teacher, and first taught mathematics in the school he had lately attended in Annan; and after remaining there two years went to Kirkcaldy to teach mathematics and the classics in the burgh

school, wishing to be near his friend Edward Irving, who had a private school in the same town. After two more years spent in this uncongenial pursuit, in which he acquired the name of a stern pedagogue, Carlyle went up to Edinburgh to embark in the profession of literature. His first employment was in the compilation of Brewster's "Edinburgh Encyclopædia." At the instance of Sir David Brewster he translated Legendre's "Geometry and Trigonometry," prefacing it with an essay on proportion. At this time he made the acquaintance of the German language and its literature, the treasures of which were first unlocked to the English-reading public by his sympathetic translations and criticisms. His brother, Dr. John Carlyle, who afterward acquired a place in literature by his translation of Dante, was at that time studying in Germany. Carlyle contributed to the "New Edinburgh Review" an article on "Faust," the first product of his German studies. He was for several years tutor to the gifted Charles Buller. He joined the staff of brilliant writers engaged upon the "London Magazine," to which he contributed in 1823 the first part of his "Life of Schiller," and in the following year a translation of " Wilhelm Meister's Lehrjahre." Goethe's novel and the style of the translation were sharply assailed by the critics, led by De Quincey, one of the few Englishmen who at that time knew anything about the master-poet of Germany. Undeterred by the contempt with which that masterpiece of German literature had been received, Carlyle in 1827 published several volumes of "German Romance," containing translations of short pieces of fiction by the principal writers of the romantic school.

In 1827 Carlyle married Jane Welsh, daughter of Dr. Welsh, of Haddington, who was a descendant of John Knox. Carlyle's wife owned a farm among the Dumfriesshire hills, whither he betook himself and lived for six years, wrapped in his literary work, with his wife for his only companion. Mrs. Carlyle was in character and intellect hardly inferior to her husband. In the seclusion of Craigenputtock farm Carlyle wrote the essays on Burns, Goethe, and Johnson, Heyne, Novalis, Voltaire, and Diderot. "Sartor Resartus" was written at this period, but not published till years afterward. The young author, by the independent and selfprompted work which he was enabled to accomplish in his mountain retreat, gained a great name, and was occasionally sought out by visitors from afar who had drawn light from his philosophy and hailed him as their teacher. Emerson visited him at Craigenputtock, and listened with wonder to the brilliant and original talk which streamed from the lips of his host. Carlyle wrote for the "Edinburgh Review," but was frequently offended at the ruthless liberties that Jeffrey took with his manuscript, which was pruned and patched by that pedantic editor into conformity with his finical canons of taste. With Napier as editor, Carlyle's

relations with the review were pleasanter. Jeffrey in a letter to his successor warns him that Carlyle would not be a proper contributor "that is," he explained, "if you do not take the liberties and pains with him that I did, by striking out freely, and writing in occasionally. The misfortune is that he is very obstinate and, I am afraid, very conceited." Carlyle coinposed "Sartor Resartus" in 1831. This remarkable work of philosophical satire and profound reflection went begging for a publisher, and first appeared in a magazine, seven years after it was written. In order to be near libraries and obtain the advantages of social intercourse necessary to an author of his rank, he left his rustic home for London in 1834, settling in the house in Cheyne Row which he inhabited till the day of his death. The productivity of his genius in the first few years of his metropolitan residence was extraordinary. He labored incessantly and with intense application. He worked with the pen from ten to three every day, and, after an intermission for exercise, visiting, and letter-writing, studied all the evening. He had to wait long for recognition in London. The reviewers ridiculed the eccentricities, the roughness, the strange choice and collocations of words, the incomprehensible Germanicisms, and all the peculiarities of his style. The publishers were not eager to print his productions. Even the "French Revolution," the most brilliant and impressive, and the most characteristic product of his genius, did not immediately find a publisher. The occasion of the removal of Thomas Carlyle and his wife to Chelsea was the publication of "Sartor Resartus." Only in America did this work meet with unhesitating admiration. Thomas and Mrs. Carlyle found cordial and appreciative friends among the literary profession, and a knot of eminent writers delighted to gather in their small house in the suburb. Between 1837 and 1840 Carlyle read some courses of lectures in London on "General Literature," "The History of Literature," "The Revolutions of Modern Europe," and "Heroes and Hero-Worship," which wrought a profound impression in intellectual society. The French Revolution," the first work which bore Carlyle's name on the title-page, was published in 1837. The first volume he had been obliged to rewrite. He had lent the manuscript to John Stuart Mill, who had confided it to Mrs. Taylor, whose servant, it is supposed, took it to kindle the fire.

In 1839 Carlyle commenced to turn his at tention to the wants and hardships of the lower classes. Between that year and 1850 he published "Chartism," "Past and Present," and Latter-Day Pamphlets," diatribes filled with bitter scorn, directed indiscriminately against the indifferentism of the political economists, and against the doctrine that remedial legislation or the extension of popular rights can be of use in the work of social reformation. In 1845 was issued "Oliver Cromwell's Let

ters and Speeches," a successful book. The Great Protector was only known to the English people before the publication of Carlyle's memoir in the image of the mingled hypocrite and fanatic, lunatic, scoundrel, and buffoon, pictured by his detractors. In 1851 Carlyle published a biography of his friend John Sterling. Between 1858 and 1865 came out Carlyle's "Frederick the Great," the product of long labor and critical research. In its preparation he resided some time in Germany, and visited the scenes of Frederick's battles. This was Carlyle's last great work. During the American civil war he gave out, in "Ilias in Nuce," his morose reflections on the destiny of the republic and the value of the institution of slavery. In 1865 Carlyle was elected rector of Edinburgh University. In the following year, while he was absent, delivering to the students a lecture on the choice of books, his wife died. The loss of his companion was to him a source of poignant grief; he wrote that "the light of his life had quite gone out." In 1867 the discussion of the extension of the suffrage brought out "Shooting Niagara, and After," a dismal vaticination of the terrible consequences of democratic freedom. In 1870 he published, in the London "Times," reflections on the FrancoGerman War, expressing approbation of the prospective annexation to Germany of Alsace and Lorraine.

Carlyle exerted as far-reaching an influence upon the men of his time through his conversation as through his published writings. In speaking, he was less apt to fall into the grotesque involutions of phrase and idiosyncrasies of language which mar his writings. These faults of style grew upon him, and render his later works difficult and disagreeable to read. His letters were free from these vices. In early life, he wrote rapidly, and spent little pains on revision; but in later years he corrected, rewrote, erased, and interpolated with excessive

care.

Carlyle was ailing several years before his death. He left some autobiographical materials, which were committed to James Anthony Froude, as his literary executor, and were published by him without excision. The pungent and sometimes unkind reflections on friends and associates of Carlyle caused much indignation against the editor and no little sorrow among the friends of the dead philosopher.

Thomas Carlyle propounded a social philosophy, which did not fall in with the spirit of the age, but which acted as a corrective to the current doctrines. As a critic, he disclosed real flaws in the habit of thinking that has grown up, which regards the collective opinion of the commonalty, which is only derivative, and must often be outstripped by the authors and actors of history, as the prime impulse in social progress. He exalted the value of the individual will, and delighted in the exhibitions of energy and power by the rulers of modern times, with too little discrimination of their