by Chili to strengthen the Government of President Calderon, giving to it the most perfect freedom of action considering the Chilian occupation; that no question of territorial annexation will be touched until a constitutional government can be established in Peru, acknowledged and respected by the people, with full powers to enter into diplomatic negotiations for peace." And it would only have been natural if you had asked, for the information of your Government, if not for your own, for what reasons and by what means the Calderon Government had, as Señor Balmaseda informed you, 66 come to an end." The President has learned, with great regret, of the arrest and removal of President Calderon; but, in the present state of his information, he will not undertake to measure its significance. He hopes that he will, when the facts are better known, be relieved from the painful impression that it was intended as a rebuke to the friendly disposition of the United States. . . You will inform the Chilian Government that a special envoy will be immediately sent; and you will assure that Government that he will come in the spirit of impartial friendship, anxious to learn that recent occurrences have not been intended to disturb the long-continued friendly relations existing between us; and instructed by the President to lay before the Chilian Government frankly, but with a scrupulous consideration for the rights and interests of that Government, the views which he holds upon the deplorable condition of affairs in South America, a condition now fast assuming proportions which make its settlement a matter of concern to all the republics of the continent. He sincerely hopes that no other action of that Government will tend to further complicate existing difficulties before the arrival of that special envoy.

JAMES G. BLAINE.

It was on Sunday, November 6th, that President Calderon was arrested by General Lynch's orders, and taken on board the Chilian frigate Cochran, in the harbor of Callao. A few days later, while Vice-President Montevo was actively asserting his claims to the supreme power, Minister Hurlbut issued the following declaration:

To the Notables of Lima.

GENTLEMEN: At your request I make the following declaration:

1. The United States of America are firmly in favor of the cessation of hostilities between Chili and Peru, and the prompt re-establishment of peace.

2. The United States of America decidedly oppose all dismemberment of Peru, except with the free and full consent of the nation.

3. They are of opinion that Chili has acquired, as the result of the war, the right to a war indemnity, and that Peru can not refuse such payment.

The Government of Chili knows that these are the ideas of the United States; but the divisions which exist in Peru paralyze the good offices of the United States, and give a pretext to Chili to clude the action of the United States in conformity with our desires, and to prolong the state of war and the military occupation of Peru. Chili says, "We also desire peace, but there is no one here competent to arrange it.' This declaration is, unfortunately, true. For this state of affairs, the only remedy is to be found in Peru itself.

Union, under whomsoever may be elected, will destroy the pretext of Chili, and give to the United States an advantage which they require, and of which they will know how to take advantage.

In my opinion, nothing else will save the country from an indefinite military occupation by Chili. Peru must save itself, by the sacrifice of personal ambitions on the altar of the redemption of the country. S. A. HURLBUT.

On De

On the 26th day of January, 1882, the President sent to Congress the diplomatic correspondence concerning Peru, Chili, and Bolivia, for a period of several years. The following are the more important dispatches. cember 1, 1881, Mr. Blaine wrote the following instructions to Special Envoy Trescot, of South Carolina, who sailed from New York for Panama on December 3d, accompanied by Mr. Walker Blaine:

SIR: While the circumstances under which the President has deemed it proper to charge you with a special mission to the Republics of Chili, Peru, and Bolivia render it necessary that very much must be confided to your discretion, it is desirable that you should be placed in full possession of his views as to the general line of conduct which you will be expected to pursue. For this purpose it is not necessary at present to go further back in the history of the unfortunate relations between Chili on the one hand and Peru and Bolivia on the other than the time when the defeat of General Piérola, his abandonment of the capital and the coast, and their occupation by the Chilian army, seem to have put an end to all responsible native government in Peru. Lima, having been surrendered January 19, 1881, Piérola driven across the mountains, the Chilian military occupation consolidated, and the Chilian Government refusing to recognize Piérola as representing the Government of Peru, it became absolutely necessary that some government should be established if Peru was not to remain simply a military district of Chili. On February 25, 1881, Mr. Christiancy, the United States Minister at Lima, wrote this department as follows:

"A movement has therefore been initiated among encouraged by the Chilian authorities, to establish a some of the leading citizens of Lima and Callao, and new government in opposition to that of Piérola (who is still at Tacna or Yarija)."

From this date, Mr. Christianey kept the department informed of the probabilities of the establishment of the Calderon Government, so called from the name of the eminent Peruvian statesman who had been chosen as President. On May 9, 1881, instructions had been sent to him from the department, in which he was told:

"If the Calderon Government is supported by the character and intelligence of Peru, and is really endeavoring to restore constitutional government, with a view both to order within and negotiation with Chili for peace, you may recognize it as the existing provisional government and render what aid you can by advice and good offices to that end."

Acting under these instructions, although with some expressed doubt as to the probable permanence of its existence, Mr. Christiancy, on June 26, 1881, formally recognized the Calderon Government. It is clear that this recognition was not an unfriendly intervention as far as the wishes and interests of Chili were concerned.

In giving the support of recognition to the Calderon Government, therefore, so far was this Government from doing what could be considered an unfriendly act to Chili, that it was, in fact, giving its aid to the very policy which Chili avowed, and which, in the opinion of competent judges, was the only method of reasonable solution. And this conclusion of the Government was strengthened and confirmed by the information which was transmitted to the department by General Kilpatrick, the United States Minister to Chili. General Kilpatrick was appointed after the recognition of the Calderon Government, and was furnished with the instructions to which I have already referred. In his dispatch, under date of August 15, 1881, he quotes the following as the final assurances given to him by the Chilian Secretary of State:

"You may say to your Government that every

effort would be given by Chili to strengthen the Government of President Calderon, giving to it the most perfect freedom of action, considering the Chilian occupations; that no question of Chilian annexation would be touched until a constitutional government could be established in Peru, acknowledged and respected by the people, with full power to enter into negotiations for peace; that no territory would be exacted unless Chili failed to secure ample and just indemnification in other and satisfactory ways, as also ample security for the future, and that in no case would Chili exact territory, save where Chilian enterprise and Chilian capital had developed the desert, and where to-day nine tenths of the people are Chili

ans."

But after this recognition, made in entire good faith to both parties, three things followed: 1. The presence of a United States Minister at Lima accredited to the Calderon Government, and the reception in Washington of a Minister from that Government gave it unquestionable, increased strength and confidence. 2. The adherents of Piérola, realizing the necessity of peace and the existence of a stable government to negotiate it, gradually abandoned the forlorn hope of continued resistance, and gave their adhesion to the Calderon Government. 3. The Congress which assembled in the neutral zone set apart for that purpose by the Chilian authorities, and which was further allowed by the Chilian Government to provide for the military impositions by the use of the national credit, and thus recognized as the representatives of the Peruvian people, authorized President Calderon to negotiate a peace, but upon condition that no territory should be ceded. As soon as these facts indicated the possibility of a real and independent vitality in the constitution of the Calderon Government, the Chilian military authorities issued an order forbidding any exercise of its functions within the territory west of the mountains, including the capital and ports of Peru. Unable to understand this sudden and giving due regard to the professions of Chili-this unaccountable change of policy, this Government instructed its Minister at Lima to continue to recognize the Calderon Government until more complete information would enable it to send further instructions. If our present information is correct, immediately on the receipt of this communication they arrested President Calderon, and thus, as far as was in their power, extinguished his government. The President does not now insist on the inference which this action would warrant. He hopes that there is some explanation which will relieve him from the painful impression that it was taken in resentful reply to the continued recognition of the Calderon Government by the United States. If, unfortunately, he should be mistaken, and such a motive be avowed, your duty will be a brief one.

You will say to the Chilian Government that the President considers such a proceeding as an intentional, unwarranted offense, and that you will communicate such an avowal to the Government of the United States, with the assurance that it will be regarded by the Government as an act of such unfriendly import as to require the immediate suspension of all diplomatic intercourse. You will inform me immediately of the happening of such a contingency, and instructions will be sent to you. But I do not anticipate such an occurrence from the information before the department of which you are possessed. It is more probable that that course will be explained by an allegation that the conduct and language of the United States Minister in Peru had encouraged the Calderon Government to such resistance of the wishes of Chili as to render the negotiation of a satisfactory treaty of peace with the Calderon Government impossible. Any explanation which relieves the action of the Chilian Government of the character of an intentional offense will be received by you to that extent, provided it does not require as a condition precedent the disavowal of Mr. Hurlbut.

Whatever may be my opinion as to the discretion of all that may have been said or done by Mr. Hurlbut, it is impossible for me to recognize the right of the Chilian Government to take such action without submitting to the consideration of this Government any cause of complaint which it was prepared to allege against the proceedings of the representative of the United States. The Chilian Government was in possession of the instructions sent to that Minister, as well as those to his colleague at Santiago; there was no pretense that the conduct of General Kilpatrick was anything but friendly; Chili was represented here by a Minister who enjoyed the confidence of his Government, and nothing can justify the assumption that the United States was acting a double part in its relations to the two countries. If the conduct of the United States Minister seemed inconsistent with what Chili had every reason to know was the friendly intention of the United States, a courteous representation through the Chilian Minister here would have enabled this Government promptly to correct or confirm him. You are not, therefore, authorized to make to the Chilian Government any explanation of the conduct of General Hurlbut, if that Government, not having afforded us the opportunity of accepting or disavowing his conduct, insists upon making its interpretation of his proceedings the justification of its

recent action.

It is hoped, however, that you will be able, by communication at once firm and temperate, to avoid these embarrassments. If you should fortunately reach the ground where frank mutual explanation can be made without the sacrifice of that respect which every gov ernment owes to itself, you will then be at liberty, conforming your explanation to the recent instruction to Mr. Hurlbut, with a copy of which you are furnished, to show to the Government of Chili how much both his words and acts have been misconceived. It is difficult for me to say now how far an explanation would be satisfactory to the President which was not accompanied by the restoration or recognition of the Calderon Government. The objects which he has at heart are first to prevent the misery, confusion, and bloodshed which the present relations between Chili and Peru seem only too certain to renew; and, second, to take care that in any friendly attempt to reach this desirable end the Government of the United States is treated with the respectful consideration to which its disinterested purposes, its legitimate influence, and its established position entitle it. The President feels in this matter neither irritation nor resentment. grets that Chili seems to have misconceived both the spirit and intention of the Government of the United States, and thinks her conduct has been inconsiderate. He will gladly learn that a calmer and wiser judgment directs her counsels, and asks in no exacting spirit the correction of what were perhaps natural misunderstandings. So he would be satisfied with the manifestation of a sincere purpose on the part of Chili to aid Peru either in restoring the present Provisional Government, or establishing in its place one which will be allowed the proper freedom of action necessary to restore internal order, and to conduct a real negotiation to some substantial result.

He re

Should the Chilian Government, while disclaiming any intention of offense, maintain its right to settle its difficulties with Peru without the friendly intervention of other powers, and refuse to allow the formation of any government in Peru which does not pledge to consent to the cession of Peruvian territory, it will be your duty, in language as strong as is consistent with the respect due an independent power, to express the disappointment and dissatisfaction felt by the United States at such a deplorable policy. You will say that this Government recognizes without reserve the right of Chili to adequate indemnity for the cost of war, and a sufficient guarantee that it will not again be subjected to hostile demonstration from Peru; and, further, that if Peru is unable or unwilling to furnish such indemnity, the right of conquest has put it in the

power of Chili to supply them, and the reasonable exercise of that right, however much its necessity may be regretted, is not ground of legitimate complaint on the part of other powers.

But this Government feels that the exercise of the right of absolute conquest is dangerous to the best interests of all the republics of this continent; that from it are certain to spring other wars and political disturbances, and that it imposes even upon the conqueror burdens which are scarcely compensated by the apparent increase of strength which it gives. This Government also holds that between two independent nations, hostilities do not, from the mere existence of war, confer the right of conquest until the failure to furnish the indemnity and guarantee which can be rightfully demanded. The United States maintains, therefore, that Peru has the right to demand that an opportunity should be allowed her to find such indemnity and guarantee. Nor can this Government admit that a cession of territory can be properly exacted far exceeding in value the amplest estimate of a reasonable indemnity. Already, by force of its occupation, the Chilian Government has collected great sums from Peru, and it has been openly and officially asserted in the Chilian Congress that these military impositions have furnished a surplus beyond the cost of maintaining its armies in that occupation. The annexation of Tarapaca, which, under proper administration, would produce annually a sum sufficient to pay a large indemnity, seems to us to be not consistent with the execution of justice.

The practical prohibition of the formation of a stable Government in Peru, and the absolute appropriation of its most valuable territory, is simply the extinction of a state which has formed part of the system of republics on this continent, honorable in the traditions and illustrations of its past history, and rich in the resources for future progress. The United States, with which Peru has for many years maintained the most cordial relations, has the right to feel and express a deep interest in its distressed condition, and while, with equal friendliness to Chili, we will not interpose to deprive her of the fair advantages of military success, nor put any obstacle to the attainment of future security, we can not regard with unconcern the destruction of Peruvian nationality. If our good offices are rejected, and this policy of the disruption of an independent state be persisted in, this Government will consider itself discharged from any further obligation to be influenced in its action by the position which Chili has assumed, and will hold itself free to appeal to the other republics of this continent to join it in an effort to avert consequences which can not be confined to Chili and Peru, but which threaten with extremest danger the political institutions, the peaceful progress, and the liberal civilization of all America.

If, however, none of these embarrassing obstacles intervene, and Chili receives in a friendly spirit the representatives of the United States, it will be your purpose, first, to concert such measures as will enable Peru to establish a regular government and initiate negotiations; second, to induce Chili to consent to such negotiations without cession of territory as a condition precedent; third, to impress upon Chili that in such negotiations she ought to allow Peru a fair opportunity to provide for a reasonable indemnity, and in this connection to let it be understood that the United States would consider the imposition of an extravagant indemnity, so as to make the cession of territory necessary in satisfaction, as more than is justified by the actual cost of war and as a solution threatening renewed difficulties between the two countries. As it is possible that some time will elapse before the completion of all arrangements necessary for a final negotiation, this Government would suggest a temporary convention, which, representing the spirit of our friendly representations, would bring Peru and Chili into amicable conference and provide for a meeting of plenipotentiaries to negotiate a per

manent treaty of peace. If negotiations be assured, the ability of Peru to furnish the indemnity will be a matter of direct interest. On this subject we have no information upon which definite instructions can now be based. While you will carefully abstain from any interposition in this connection, you will examine and report to the department promptly any plans which inay be suggested. You will not indicate any wish that the Government of the United States shall act as umpire in the adjudication between the contending powers. Should an invitation to that effect be extended, you will communicate by telegraph for instructions. The single and simple desire of this Government is to see a just and honorable peace at the earliest day practicable, and if any other American Government can more effectively aid in producing this auspicious result, the United States will cordially sustain it, and lend such co-operation as the circumstances may demand. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE.

Minister Kilpatrick wrote to Secretary Blaine under date of Santiago, December 2, 1881, stating that the Chilian Government had promised that it would not demand a cession of territory as an absolute condition of peace, and that it would endeavor to build up and strengthen the Calderon Government in Peru. These promises, General Kilpatrick intimated, would have been fulfilled but for the representations made by Minister Hurlbut of the attitude of the United States and bad faith on the part of Calderon. The coming of the special mission, it is stated, creates considerable excitement in Chili, and the alleged support by the United States of the Peruvian Company scheme greatly intensifies it. On December 2, 1881, Secretary Blaine wrote as follows to Mr. Trescot :

SIR: It is not impossible that before the close of the special mission, instructions for which have been already furnished you, it may be deemed advisable that, at its close, you should return to the United States by way of the Argentine Confederation and Brazil. Positive instructions may be sent you to this effect before your mission closes, but at present my purpose is to advise you of such possible contingency, and to add that, if at the close of the special mission you should decide that a return home by the way of Buenos Ayres and Rio de Janeiro was advisable, you are hereby authorized, without waiting for such instructions, to return home by that way. Should you do so, you will, in your communications with the representatives of the Governments of Brazil and the Argentine Confederation, impress upon them the advantages which would result from a full and frank conference between all the republies of North and South America. By the time you can reach these points the opinions of this Government on this subject will have been formally submitted to them, and you will have the opportunity to enforce these views, and to direct their attention to the importance of the proposed congress. If you will telegraph the probable time of your arrival at Buenos Ayres, a vessel of the United States will meet you at that place.

On January 3, 1882, Secretary Frelinghuysen instructed Mr. Trescot by telegraph to exert his influence pacifically, and to avoid all issues which might lead to his withdrawing from his post in Chili.

On the next day (January 4th) the Secretary telegraphed to Mr. Trescot that it was the wish of the President that our friendly offices should be extended impartially to both republics (Chili and Peru); that a pacific influence should be exerted, and every issue which might lead to

PERU, CHILI, AND UNITED STATES.

offenses avoided; that questions growing out of the suppression of the Calderon Government could be attended to at Washington; and that it was preferable that he should not visit Buenos Ayres on his way home. On the 9th of January, 1882, Secretary Frelinghuysen wrote to Señor Martinez, the Chilian Minister at Washington, acknowledging receipt of a note from the latter of December 28th, in which he. gave his views as to the condition of Peru, derived from his latest intelligence. Secretary Frelinghuysen continues his letter as follows:

I was much gratified yesterday with the assurances which you gave me in our personal interview that your Government, in the arrest and imprisonment of Calderon, was in no way instigated by an unfriendly feeling toward the United States. If you feel yourself at liberty to renew that assurance in writing, I shall be still further and greatly obliged by your doing so. Such a communication, written in the friendly spirit which marked your verbal communications, will tend to promote that friendly feeling which is so desirable among American republics.

On the 10th of January Señor Martinez replied to this letter in a similar friendly spirit.

On January 9, 1882, Secretary Frelinghuysen wrote to Mr. Trescot as follows:

SIR: Since you received your instructions on your departure as special envoy to Chili, Peru, and Bolivia, I have sent you by cable two instructions. As I have not heard of your having received them, and to make their purport more intelligible than the brevity of a telegram would permit, I send this, stating the proper construction of your original instructions, somewhat modifying them, and indicating how they are to be executed.

The President wishes in no manner to dictate or make any authoritative utterance to either Peru or Chili as to the merits of the controversy existing between those republics, as to what indemnity should be asked or given, as to a change of boundaries, or as to the personnel of the Government of Peru. The President recognizes Peru and Chili to be independent republics, to which he has no right or inclination to dictate. Were the United States to assume an attitude of dictation toward the South American republics, even for the purpose of preventing war, the greatest of evils, or to preserve the autonomy of nations, it must be prepared by army and navy to enforce its mandate, and, to this end, tax our people for the exclusive benefit of foreign nations. The President's policy with the South American republics and other foreign nations is that expressed in the immortal address of Washington, with which you are entirely familiar. What the President does seek to do is to ex

tend the kindly offices of the United States impartially to both Peru and Chili, whose hostile attitude to each other he seriously laments; and he considers himself fortunate in having one so competent as yourself to bring the powers of reason and persuasion to bear in seeking the termination of the unhappy controversy; and you will consider as revoked that portion of your original instruction which directs you, on the contingency therein stated, as follows:

You will say to the Chilian Government that the President considers such a proceeding as an intentional and unwarranted offense, and that you will communicate such an avowal to the Government of the United States, with the assurance that it will be regarded by the Government as an act of such unfriendly import as to require the immediate suspension of all diplomatic intercourse. You will inform me immediately of the happening of such a contingency, and instructions will be sent to you."

Believing that a prolific cause of contention between two nations is an irritability which is too readily of

fended, the President prefers that he shall himself deterimine, after report has been made to him, whether President's wish that you do not visit (although inthere is or is not cause for offense. It is also the dicated in your original instruction that you should do so) as the envoy of this Government, the Atlantic republics after leaving Chili.

The United States is at peace with all the nations of the earth, and the President wishes hereafter to determine whether it will conduce to that general peace, which he would cherish and promote, for this Government to enter into negotiations and consultation for the promotion of peace with selected friendly nationalities without extending a like confidence to other peoples with whom the United States is on equally friendly terms. If such partial confidence would create jealousy and ill-will, peace, the object sought by consultation, would not be promoted. The principles controlling the relations of the republics of this hemisphere with other nationalities may, on investigation, be found to be so well established that little would be gained at this time by reopening a subject which is not novel. The President, at all events, prefers time for deliberation.

There is considerable correspondence relative to the Cochet and Landreau claims, but a want of space makes it necessary at present to pass it over.

PHOTOGRAPHY, IMPROVEMENTS IN. The collodion process of photography, which has been in use for thirty years, is being generally supplanted by the new dry process, in which gelatine is employed to hold in suspension the sensitive salts of silver. The preparation of the gelatino-bromide plates is conducted as follows: To a solution of fine gelatine in water is added bromide of potassium or bromide of ammonium. In another vessel nitrate of silver is dissolved in water. In a room lighted only through dark ruby glass the solution of silver salt is gradually stirred into the mixture of bromide and gelatine. When great sensitiveness is required, it is to be kept in a fluid condition for from one to four days. Ordinarily it is left only a few hours, and can be more The emulsion rapidly evaporated by heating. is next freed from the nitrate of potassium or ammonium by breaking it into pieces after it has been allowed to set in a deep dish, and washing it in several changes of cold water. It is then melted into plates, after being drained. After the plates have been coated and dried they are ready for use. These dry plates can be kept any length of time without losing Plates which are thus their sensitiveness. made in quantity and are always ready can be employed in out-of-door and amateur work, and for the many scientific uses of photography in which the troublesome wet process, requiring the use of chemicals and a dark chamber, would be difficult or impossible. The convenience of the gelatine and bromide process is not its only advantage. The images rendered are as clear and perfect as any obtained from collodion plates, and the impressions are formed in the camera in one sixth to one tenth the time of exposure. The action on the most highly sensitive gelatine plates is practically instantaneous, pictures having been taken in To of a second.

PHYSIOLOGY, RECENT. Physiological science has made great advances under the system of specialized minute investigation of the different tissues and organs of the body and their functions which is now very generally applied. Nearly every vessel and nearly every fluid of the body has been subjected under this system to a most rigid and searching microscopic, chemical, and dynamic examination, and is thereby being made to disclose the most intimate secrets of its structure and function. Dr. Ferrier and Professor Yeo have added to the clearness of the evidence of the localization of function in the cortex of the brain from observations made in their experiments on monkeys. They are able, after having effected a localized or limited lesion by means of the galvanic cautery of the surface of the brain, to predict the precise phenomena of paralysis which will occur. On microscopical examination after death following these phenomena, strands of fibers proceeding from the damaged parts of the cortex may be traced down to the motor or sensory ganglia at the base of the brain, and thence downward through the spinal cord to the muscles paralyzed by the lesion. Exner, who has been engaged in considering localization in the function of the brain by the aid of the phenomena presented by pathological changes, has satisfied himself by that method of the existence of very limited areas on the surface of the brain, destined to receive impressions and original motor impulses. Couty's researches on the same point, published in Brown-Séquard's "Archives," appear to be altogether opposed to Ferrier and Hitzig's conclusions.

Professor Charles S. Ray, assisted by G. H. Lewes, student, and J. Graham Brown, M. D., has pursued an investigation of the blood-pressure and its variations in the arterioles, capillaries, and smaller veins. Attempts had been previously made to measure the pressure of the blood in the capillaries by N. V. Kries, whose experiments were made upon the vessels of the human skin, particularly on that part of the distal phalanx of one of the fingers immediately behind the nail. The method he employed consisted in pressing, by means of weights, a small glass plate of known area upon the portion of skin selected, and finding the weight required to produce a distinct whitening of the compressed as compared with the surrounding skin. It was assumed, in making these experiments, that the pressure which sufficed to cause an evident change in the color of the small area of skin lying under the glass plate, was equal to the pressure of the blood in the capillaries lying nearest the surface. This method was applied with some satisfaction to the determination of the relative values of pressure under varied conditions. Professor Ray sought a more delicate method for the study of the absolute values of the pressure by means of microscopic examinations of the web of a frog's foot. The first observations showed that as

the pressure to which the portion of tissue examined was subjected was raised, the current of blood through the smaller arterioles lost the equable character which it normally presents, and a rhythmic variation in rapidity, a pulse which could not be detected in the small arteries while the tissue was uncompressed, each increase corresponding with a heart-beat, became more and more evident. The blood-flow through the capillaries also became more and more pulsatile in character, and, in that part of the capillary plexus which lies nearest the arteriole whence the blood came, a temporary arrest of circulation took place when a certain pressure, which was different at different points, was reached. It was also found that the capillaries which first cease to convey blood under these circumstances are not always the same, a fact which can not be easily explained otherwise than by assuming that the relative diameters of the capillaries have changedthat some vessels have expanded while others have contracted-in the interval between two observations. In favorable instances such a change in the diameter of the different vessels can be verified with the help of a micrometer. The small veins, or venous rootlets, show under the application of pressure a diminution of diameter, often to one third of the original caliber, accompanied with an increase in the flow of blood through their interior. The flow of blood in the veins becomes accelerated with each pulse-wave in the arterioles, and slowed between the beats; and when the blood no longer advances in the arteriole, the corresponding vein or veins become empty or collapsed. It has long been known that capillary vessels may present considerable variations in diameter at different times, and these variations have been ascribed to the elasticity of the capillary walls. Professor Ray's experiments, however, tend to show that modifications of the intra-capillary pressure, much greater than those which can normally occur, influence but slightly the caliber of the capillaries, and lead almost inevitably to the conclusion that the capillaries are contractile as well as elastic. To the question whether this contractility resides in some anatomically differentiated part of the capillary wall, or whether it be a property inherent in the wall as a whole, the answer may be returned that capillary vessels may be seen to vary greatly in diameter without any localized contraction or expansion being visible; that the capillary tube expands or contracts as a whole, its diameter remaining equal throughout its whole length. The anæmia or absence of blood which is produced on any part by pressure is followed, when the pressure is removed, by an excess of blood or congestion, which gradually passes away. This phenomenon has been proved not to reside in any reflex action through the cerebro-spinal vasomotor centers; hence attention is directed to the probability of some peripheral vasomotor mechanism by which the degree of dilata