tionaries sworn to support the constitution of the United States, to regard and to treat the third clause of the fourth article of that instrument, whenever applied to the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and consequently as forming no part of the constitution of the United States, whenever we are called upon or sworn to support it."

Resolved, That to preserve the peace of the citizens, and secure the blessings of freedom, the legislature of each of the free states ought to keep in force suitable statutes rendering it penal for any of its inhabitants to trans port, or aid in transporting from such state, any person sought to be thus transported, merely because subject to the slave laws of any other state; this remnant of independence being accorded to the free states, by the decision of the supreme court, in the case of Prigg vs. the State of Pennsylvania."

The foregoing preamble and resolutions are believed to be the first annunciation in so august a manner, of the doctrine that public officers are justified in violating their official oaths to support the constitution of the United States. The doctrine was immediately denounced at the south as very alarming. It was denominated the "HIGHER LAW DOCTRINE," and was very extensively and effectively used from that time until the commencement of the rebellion, to excite the minds of the southern people.

The last resolution above quoted, was probably the first suggestion, in a public manner, of the "LIBERTY LAWS," so called; which have been passed by the legislatures of many of the northern states. Those laws have not amounted to much in practice ; but they have been most efficient means in the hands of southern politicians and the conspirators, of exciting the southern mind, and preparing the people for the rebellion.

Whatever we may think of slavery at the north-it is a favorite and cherished institution at the south. A large majority of the southern people think it just, right, and proper, and regard it as the foundation of their prosperity and welfare as a people; and hence they are anxious to extend it, for the double purpose of promoting and perpetuating their prosperity, and increasing their political power.

The abolitionists first commenced their agitation of the subject as a moral one, and waged a moral and intellectual warfare against the institution of slavery; but the agitation was soon carried into the Congregational, Baptist, Methodist, and New School Presbyterian churches, and the warfare became religious; and when the liberty party was organized, and candidates nom

inated for president and vice-president, and other officers, in 1839, it became also a political warfare; and the feeling grew more and more intense on both sides, until after the commencement of the rebellion, and the attack on Fort Sumpter, in April, 1861.

The southern people finding their cherished institution of slavery attacked by the abolitionists, buckled on their armor, and waged a violent political warfare in its defence, and have, for more than twenty years, regarded the abolitionists as their foes and enemies. Self-defence is an instinct of nature, and men are as much inclined to defend their property, and what they regard as their rights, as they are to defend their persons.

This was the commencement of a great conflict between the abolitionists on one side, and the great body of the southern people on the other-which still continues. It is in some of its operations, an irrepressible conflict-because it is based on moral and religious feeling-blended with politics, and some degree of fanaticism, on loh sides. After the repeal of the Missouri compromise, and the attempt of the pro-slavery fanatics of the south to force slave y into Kansas, by armed bands of marauders, fraud. and the influence of federal officers, then, and not till then, the great body of the northern people, who were opposed to the extension of slavery, but not inclined to disturb the compromises of the cons itution, denounced such measures as violations of public faith. These were the only great conflicts which ever existed be tween the people of the north and the south, prior to the present rebellion. There has never been any real conflict between free labor and slave labor; and never any competition or strife between the north and the south, arising from the different systems of labor-though at the south there is some competition between free and slave labor, as there is in all matters of industry and business, but nothing which could possibly disturb the harmony of a nation. This conflict between anti-slavery and pro-slavery fanatics is what Mr. Seward mist ok for an irrepressible conflict between free labor and slave labor, and between northern and southern institutions. The conflict is not permanent in its nature, and must soon

pass away.

It is easy to see, when the history of the conflict and of the country is considered, that it arose out of the action and agitation

of the abolitionists. It would not have amounted to much, and must have died away soon, if it had not been carried into politics, and into congress.

The liberty party did not amount to much in 1840; it got but little more than seven thousand votes in the United States; but in 1844, it got 62,300 votes-gave the electoral vote of the State of New York to Mr. Polk, and defeated the election of Mr. Clay.

The free soil party, in 1818, gave over 291,000 votes to Mr. Van Buren, and defeated the election of Gen. Cass; and the same party gave to Mr. Hale nearly 156,000 votes, in 1852. Gen. Scott was not defeated by the vote of the f ee soil party; but by the previous agitation of the questions relating to slavery by the abolitionists and free soilers, and by the opposition made by nearly all the whig senators and members of congress from New England, New York, New Jersey, and Ohio, to the compromise measures of Mr. Clay, in 1850. The most of the northern whigs then repudiated their old and distinguished leade: 8, Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, with a view of streng hening the whig party at the north, by concilia:ing, and in some measure compromising with the abolitionists.

The democratic senators and members of congress had political sagacity enough to take the opposite tack. They all went in unitedly and zealously for the compromise measures, as the best which public opinion, in the then critical condition of the country, would admit of. Great numbers of southern whigs became disgusted at the disposition of their northern friends to compromise with the abolitionists and at their opposition to the compromise measures. and finding that the democrats, as a party, would protect what they claimed as the rights of the south, and that they could no longer rely upon the northern whigs up on the subject, thousands of old line whigs, in the southern states, we t over to the democratic party, and supported Gen. Pierce for president. Such are the causes which carried over from the whig to the democratic party, the states of Delaware, Maryland, North Carolina, Georgia, and Louisiana, defeated the election of Gen. Scott, made the democratic party more powerful than it had ever been before, and destroyed the whig party. It was the conscious strength of the democratic party which induced the repeal of the Missouri compromise, and brought upon the country a multitude of evils.

After the republican party had achieved success, and elected Mr. Lincoln president, and many of the southern leaders had conspired against the government, and brought on a wicked rebellion without any just cause or provocation, the abolitionists, both in and out of congress, by their violent spirit and efforts to pervert the war from its legitimate purposes, and to convert it into a crusade against slavery, have given some plausibility to the false pretences set up by the conspirators, as a justification for the rebellion. Such have been the effects, direct and indirect, of the agitation and political action of the abolitionists.

SEC. 18. YOUNG AMERICA.

The young America spirit in our country, has also been a disturbing element in politics, during the last twenty years. The system of young mens' societies, meetings, and conventions, for political purposes, is of recent origin. The first state convention of the kind was held at Utica, in the state of New York, by the friends of John Quincy Adams, in 1828.

There is no objection to literary societies in colleges and institutions of learning, or to debating clubs or societies any where, composed exclusively of young men, formed and conducted for mutual improvement; but societies, meetings, and conventions for political purposes, are of a very different character, and should be composed of voters of all ages; unless the people are willing to resign to young men, the entire control of the politics and government of the country. It is right and proper for young men to participate in politics, in their proper spheres-acting with their seniors and voters of all ages, under the leadership of men of maturity of mind and experience; but by forming separate organizations, and acting in concert with each other, they often use their association as young ambition's ladder, to climb into power, by pushing aside and superseding men of more maturity of mind, and higher qualifications.

The tendency of the young America spirit has been to disregard the wisdom and comprehensive national views, which age, observation, and experience only can bring, and to elevate to high official stations young men, or men comparatively young for such places-men who have more ambition and zeal than wisdom or

discretion, and more energy than prudence-men who are better qualified for actors in the affairs of government, than for legislators, counselors, or directors-men of buoyant feelings, who see bright prospects ahead, but perceive very few of the difficulties which surround and beset a nation. Young America is fast, but not safe.

It was young America, in the democratic party, that charged Gov. Marcy, Gen. Cass, and other experienced leaders, with being "old fogies," behind the intelligence and spirit of the age; and the same class, among the whigs and republicans, practically discarded Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, Judge McLean, Edward Everett, and nearly all the former leaders of the whig party; and brought forward much younger men, and men of far less wisdom, to fill their places. The enthusiastic spirit and political ambition of young America, have increased the political fanaticism of our country, both at the north and at the south, and contributed largely to push partizan and sectional measures and policies to extremes, and to involve the north and the south in a civil war.

A view of the spirit and tactics of young America is presented in the following article from the Ann Arbor Journal, of June 18th, 1862.

YOUNG MENS' CONVENTION.

We observe that some of our ardent and enterprising young men, who are ambitious to distinguish themselves as politicians, have issued a circular inviting the "republican young men to meet in mass convention, at the Court House, in this city, on Tuesday, June 19th, to organize a young mens' republican club, with branch organizations in each township, to make a thorough and complete canvass of each school district in the county."

They say in the circular, "That the time has arrived for the opening of the campaign of 1862," and that "It is expected of the young men of the county, to bear the brunt of the battle.”

It is further announced, "That the Hon. Mr. G., Hon. Mr. C., and others are expected to be present, and address the meeting.". Our old and experienced politicians, and all our middle aged men, who are above thirty-five years of age, may consider themselves laid upon the shelf, as too old and fogyish for active service in the great political battle about to be fought in Washtenaw county; and hence, young America has risen in the fullness of his wisdom and the majesty of his strength, assumed his proper station, and taken the reins of government into his own hands. Young America will plan the campaign, organize and drill the troops, ap