And this

tect the world in peace and quietness. was not only clearly allowed by Christ and his apostles, in their doctrine, but was also fully confirmed by their own practice and demeanour. Thus, when the tribute-money was brought to our Saviour, let the rights of Cæsar be what they would, he clearly determines that it is a duty to render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's. Nor is there a single word in the writings of the Apostles, which tends either to the questioning, or limitation, of the powers in being: for, sunk and debased as those powers were, the disciples of Christ considered them as ordained of God, and therefore, in all things lawful and honest, shewed a ready and willing obedience to them, without pretending to dispute, control, or subvert their authority. And in their doctrines, instead of investigating the origin of government, or defining the prerogative of princes, or stating the pretended unalienable rights of individuals, the novel language of modern days, they exhort men, in the strongest terms, to obey such as have the rule over them: to submit to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake: to pray for kings, and all that are in authority. And both St. Peter and St. Paul threaten such as despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities, with some heavy judg

ment; which our translators render by the severe word damnation.

And, indeed, the very heathens themselves so clearly saw the necessity of supporting the dignity of imperial characters, that we find the Romans constantly stiling their magistrates sacred; that so, having, as it were, the name and character of God upon them, the people might reverence their persons, and venerate their office. Nor was this wise and salutary idea removed, till the violence of tribunician phrenzy levelled all distinctions, and converted the mildness of a dutiful and submissive people, into the savage fury of a wild and ungovernable monster.

2dly, We are bound, by every principle of gratitude, to honour kings, both on account of the troubles they undergo in the necessary administration of government, and also, in respect of the benefits accruing to us from their care and attention.

There are, I believe, few crowns which are not, like that of our great Master, plaited with thorns: I mean, that every prince, who pays a due regard to the duties of his station, is in a state of continual anxiety. The redress of

growing

growing grievances must spring from his paternal foresight and affection. The mistakes or miscarriages of his ministers wound his reputation, and, what is still more aggravating, the wisdom of the prince is too often unjustly traduced for the people's folly, which will not suffer him to pursue the necessary measures for the support of his dignity, and the safety of his kingdom. So that what the Roman annalist said of war may, not unfitly, be applied to government: " Iniquissima hæc bellorum conditio est: prospera omnes sibi vindicant: adversa uni imputantur *. Again, the height of a prince's situation sets him above all the dearest pleasures of society and friendship, and, in their place, substitutes all the forms and impertinence of ceremonial restraint: he can neither sit down without care, nor walk abroad without trouble: so that he is certainly less to be envied for the pageantry which accompanies him, than to be pitied for the hardships it brings with it. And therefore, if kings, for the sake of public advantage, and the security of individuals, will subject themselves to these inconveniencies, it is certainly the duty of subjects, in return, to pay every reasonable acknowledgment of gratitude

* This is the hard and unjust condition of war: every one lays claim to a share of its prosperous events': its miscarriages are imputed to one alone.

and respect towards them.

And this, first, by reverencing their persons and government.

It has been too much the fashion of the present times to rail at superiors, and to speak evil of such things as we do not understand, and which, in fact, do not belong to us, if we did. But men would do well to remember, that, though this may for a time answer the purposes of party, by distressing those to whom the public welfare is intrusted, yet it is ever attended with' the greatest danger to all, by obliterating those ideas of subordination from the minds of the populace, without which no society can long subsist. For it should always be remembered, that the madness of the people, when once excited, becomes like the raging of the waves, fierce and uncontrolable, and has, not unfrequently, overwhelmed those very persons who have been the most forward in exciting it.

However, therefore, we may differ in opinion from those who govern, we ought to be extremely cautious of expressing any disrespect for their persons, or of weakening the operations of their government, by an incautious or intemperate censure of its measures.

3dly,

3dly, We ought to shew our respect to the king, by a ready obedience to his laws.

"To obey" we are told in holy writ, "is "better than sacrifice, and to hearken, than the "fat of rams." And if this be the case even of kings themselves, in relation to God, who in that respect are no other than subjects to the King of kings, it cannot be otherwise with us who are their subjects. And, whatever men may pretend, under the specious names of patriotism or public good, it is as great a solecism im politics, for a man to call himself a good subject, who lives in contempt and defiance of the laws of his country, as it is in religion, for a man to call himself a good Christian, who lives in direct contradiction to the precepts of the Gospel. Such a mask is too thin to deceive any but the cre dulous and unthinking vulgar, and will never impose on those who, in political as well as religious matters, think it the wisest and safest way not to give credit to every pretender to superior excellence, on his own word, but rather, to judge of the tree by its fruits.

Lastly, We ought to shew our respect to the king, by not "meddling with those who are "given to change."