terest in the emigration to New England, having before contributed with his friend and parishioner Eaton to the expenses of obtaining the charter for Massachusetts in 1628, and attended the meetings of the company in London in 1629. A letter from Mr. Cotton in Boston, New England, to the effect that the order of the churches. and commonwealth was now so settled, as to realize to his mind the new heaven and the new earth wherein dwells righteousness,' seems to have decided both him and Mr. Eaton to become the leaders of a new expedition, composed principally of Londoners, which arrived at Boston in the Hector and another vessel, in June, 1637.

The wealth and reputation of the new emigrants for intellectual endowments and moral worth, made it very desirable for the colonies already organized to retain them as residents; but while Mr. Davenport entered at once into the discussion of religious problems, Mr. Eaton, with other members of the company, made a journey to Connecticut, to explore the lands and harbors on the coast. Of these, glowing accounts had already reached Boston-especially of 'the excellent country at Quaillipioak river' through Capt. Stoughton, and of 'that famous place called Queenapiok, that hath a fair river, fit for harboring ships, and abounds with rich and goodly meadows,' through Capt. Underhill. The commercial advantages of the place, whose Indian name was Quinnipiac, fixed at once the choice of the explorers, and Mr. Eaton returned to Boston, leaving seven men to begin the settlement-of which number were Joshua Atwater, a gentleman of distinction, and Isaac Beecher, the ancestor of the Beechers of our day. The following letter from Rev. John Davenport and Mr. Eaton will explain the motives which goyerned their removal beyond the jurisdiction of Massachusetts:

To the much honored the Governor, Deputy, and Assistants, and General Court of Massachusetts:

It may please the worthy and much honored Governor, Deputy, and Assistants, and with them, the present court, to take knowledge that our desire of staying within this patent was real and strong, if the eye of God's providence (to whom we have committed our ways, especially in so important an enterprise as this, which, we confess, is far above our capacities) had guided us to a place convenient for our families and for our friends. Which as our words have often expressed, so, we hope, the truth thereof is sufficiently declared by our almost nine months' patient waiting in expectation of some opportunity to be offered us, for that end, to our great charge and hindrance, many ways.

In all which time, we have, in many prayers, commended the guidance of our apprehensions, judgments, spirits, resolutions, and ways, into the good hand of the only wise God, whose prerogative it is to determine the bounds of our habitations according to the ends for which he hath brought us into these countries; and we have considered, as we were able, by his help, whatsoever place hath been propounded to us, being ready to have, with contentment accepted (if by our stay any public good might be promoted) smaller accommodations, and upon dearer terms (if they might be moderately commodious) than, we believe, most men, in the same case with us, in all respects would have done. And whereas

a place for an inland plantation, beyond Watertown, was propounded to us, and pressed with much importunity by some whose words have the power of a law with us, in any way of God, we did speedily and seriously deliberate thereupon, it being the subject of the greatest part of a day's discourse. The conclusion was, that, if the upland should answer the meadow ground in goodness and desirableness (whereof yet there is some ground of doubting) yet, considering that a boat can not pass from the bay thither, nearer than eight or ten miles distance, and that it is so remote from the bay and from any town, we could not see how our dwelling there would be advantageous to these plantations, or compatible with our conditions, or commodious for our families or for our friends. Nor can we satisfy ourselves that it is expedient, for ourselves, or for our friends, that we choose such a condition, wherein we must be compelled to have our dwelling-houses so far distant from our farms, as Boston or Charlestown is from that place, few of our friends being able to bear the charge thereof (whose cases, nevertheless, we are bound to consider), and some of them that are able, not being persuaded that it is lawful for them to live continually from the greatest part of their families, as in this case, they would be necessi tated to do. The season of the year, and other weighty considerations, compelled us to hasten to a full and final conclusion, which we are at last come unto, by God's appointment and direction, we hope in mercy, and have sent letters to Connecticut for a speedy transacting the purchase of the parts about Quilly pieck, from the natives which may pretend title thereunto; by which act we are absolutely and irrevocably engaged that way; and we are persuaded that God will order it for good unto these plantations, whose love so abundantly above our deserts or expectations, expressed in your desire of our abode in these parts, as we shall ever retain in thankful memory, so we shall account ourselves thereby obliged to be any way instrumental and serviceable for the common good of these plantations as well as of those, which the Divine Providence hath combined together in as strong bond of brotherly affection, by the sameness of their condition, as Joab and Abishai were, whose several armies did mutually strengthen them both against several enemies-2 Sam. 10: 9, 10, 11, or rather they are joined together as Hippocrates his twins, to stand and fall, to grow and decay, to flourish and wither, to live and die together. In witness of the premises, we subscribe our names,

The 12th day of the 1st Month [March], Anno 1638.

JOHN DAVENPORT,
THEOPH. EATON.

The story of Mr. Davenport's agency in the first settlement of the New Haven colony and the organization of the first church there, is admirably and lovingly told by Dr. Bacon, in the following passages taken from his Historical Discourses on the completion of two hundred years, of the First Church in New Haven, in 1838, published in a volume of 400 pages in 1839.

During a period of fourteen months, while they were rearing some temporary shelters, clearing away the dense growth of the wilderness, and raising their first crops from the soil, they were praying, and fasting, and inquiring, and debating, to get wisdom for the great work of laying the foundations of their church and of their commonwealth. The town was 'cast in several private meetings, wherein they that dwelt most together gave their accounts one to another of God's gracious work upon them, and prayed together, and conferred to mutual edification,' and thus 'had knowledge, one of another,' and of the fitness of individuals for their several places, in the foundation work, or in the superstructure.

They began, indeed, very soon after their arrival, by forming, at the close of their first day of fasting and prayer, a 'plantation covenant,' in which they solemnly pledged themselves to each other, and to God, 'that as in matters that

concern the gathering and ordering of a church, so likewise in all public offices, which concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and officers, making and repealing of laws, dividing allotments of inheritances, and all things of like nature, they would be governed by those rules which the Scripture holds forth.' But under this general compact, they at first made only a temporary arrangement for the management of their religious and civil affairs.

At length, on the fourth, or according to the present style, the fourteenth of June, 1639, every thing having been prepared for so grand an occasion, ‘all the free planters-which expression includes all who were partners in the undertaking of planting the colony-met in Mr. Newman's barn,* for the purpose of laying, with due solemnities, the foundations of their ecclesiastical order, and of their civil government. The solemnities of the occasion were introduced, it is said, by a sermon from Mr. Davenport on the words, 'Wisdom hath builded her house, she hath hewn out her seven pillars.' Then, all present having been seriously warned 'not to be rash or slight in giving their votes to things they understood not,' but 'without respect to men, as they should be satisfied and persuaded in their own minds, to give their answers in such sort as they would be willing they should stand upon record for posterity,' they voted, unanimously, that the Scriptures do hold forth a perfect rule for the direction and government of men in, all duties, as well in families and commonwealth, as in matters of the church.

Then Mr. Davenport declared to them in the language and arguments drawn from the Scriptures—Old and New—what kind of persons might be trusted with matters of government-viz., 'able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness'-'men of wisdom and understanding, and known among your tribes'-'not strangers, but brethren, and those whom the Lord your God shall choose not the unjust, or the unbelieving, but the holy.' After which, the company having been entreated 'freely to consider whether they would have it voted at this time or not,' it was deliberately voted that 'free burgesses shall be chosen out of the church members, they that are in the foundation work of the church, being actually free burgesses, and to choose to themselves out of the like estate of church fellowship; and the power of choosing magistrates and officers from among themselves, and the power of making and repealing laws according to the Word, and the dividing of inheritances, and deciding of differences that may arise, and all the business of like nature, are to be transacted by these free burgesses.' From this, after the vote had been taken, one man expressed his dissent in part. That man, though the record does not name him, was probably the Rev. Samuel Eaton,† of whom it is related by several authors, that he dissented from Mr. Davenport in respect to the principles of civil gov. ernment. In expressing his dissent, 'he granted, that magistrates should be men fearing God; that the church is the company where ordinarily such men

↑ REV. SAMUEL EATON was a brother of the governor, Theophilus Eaton, and came over in the same vessel, and for a time assisted Mr. Davenport. He returned to England in 1640 to organize a company of emigrants to settle Branford. He was induced to remain, and settle over a Congregational church at Duckenfield, in Cheshire, whence he removed to Stockport. He was turned out of his living and silenced in 1662, with two thousand ministers who could not conform to the requisition of the Act of Parliament as to the manner in which they should worship God. Wood gives the titles of six of his published works.

NATHANIEL EATON, who attained an unenviable notoriety as Rector of 'the School,' at Cambridge, the germ of Harvard college, and whose transactions were a sore grief to his uncle the gov ernor, was a son of Rev. Samuel Eaton.

may be expected; and that they that choose them ought to be men fearing God; only at this he stuck, that free planters ought not to give this power out of their hands.' Upon this a debate arose. To the reply made by some one, that whatever was done, was done with the consent of the planters, and that the government which they were forming was to originate strictly in the will of the people, the objector answered, 'that all the free planters ought to resume this power into their own hands if things were not orderly carried,' and therefore that this constitution which made no provision for such a contingency was defective. Mr. Theophilus Eaton illustrated the equity of the proposed arrangement, by showing, that in all places civil power is in the hands of a part for the benefit of the whole, and reminded them that in London, with the constitution of which city they were familiar, the companies choose the livery, and the livery choose the magistrates. 'Some others,' it is recorded, 'entreated the former to give his arguments and reasons whereupon he dissented. He refused to do it, and said they might not rationally demand it, seeing he let the vote pass on freely, and did not speak till after it was passed, because he would not hinder what they were agreed upon.' The debate having proceeded thus far, Mr. Davenport, who appears to have acted throughout as moderator of the meeting, made 'a short relation of some former passages between them two about this question,' and 'prayed the company that nothing might be concluded by them on this weighty question, but what themselves were persuaded to be agreeing with the mind of God;' and in view of what had been said since the vote was taken, 'he entreated them again to consider of it, and put it again to vote as before.' It was voted again with one consent. 'And some of them confessed, that whereas they did waver before they came to the assembly, they were now fully convinced.' Having thus settled this principle as 'a great fundamental agreement concerning civil government,' they proceeded another step toward the organization proposed.

Then, by the consent of all, it was agreed, 'that twelve men be chosen, that their fitness for the foundation-work may be tried;' 'and that it be in the power of these twelve to choose out of themselves seven, that shall be most approved of the major part, to begin the church.'

The seven pillars chosen to begin the church, according to the arrangement just described, were Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, Robert Newman, Matthew Gilbert, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson, and Jeremiah Dixon. By these seven persons, covenanting together, and then receiving others into their fellowship, the first church of Christ in New Haven was gathered and constituted on the 22d of August, 1639.

At a meeting of the 'seven pillars' held by them as a 'Court,' all former trusts created to meet the exigencies of a new settlement were pronounced vacated and null; their associates in the Church, nine in number, were recognized as 'freemen,' and Theophilus Eaton was elected by the sixteen as the 'Magistrate' for a year, and four other persons were chosen with him to be 'Deputies,' and with them a public Notary' or Secretary, and a 'Marshal' as Sheriff. To these officers Mr. Davenport addressed a 'charge,' in the nature of an oath, and the civil government of Quinnipiac, which did not

receive the name of New Haven till Septem. 1640, was established, in which the privilege of voting and holding civil office was confined to church members, and the courts conducted all trials without jury. To these peculiarities should be added an interference by the magistracy "under the general rules of righteousness," with the internal economy of families, and the personal habits of individuals, which has been the occasion of much reproach and ridicule.

We do not propose to follow Mr. Davenport into his administration of the office of pastor, but only in his labors to found a system, and institutions of education. But before doing so, we will abridge Mr. Bacon's notice of his leaving New Haven and of his death.

In the year 1651, Mr. Davenport was invited to remove to Boston and become the pastor of a new church there-the second church in that town, which was organized the year before. But his attachment to New Haven was too strong. He chose rather to remain in this little and unprosperous colony, where the entire constitution, ecclesiastical and civil, was conformed to his views of the mind of God, than to leave these interests for a settlement in a more prosperous community. . . But when the government of New Haven was absorbed in the jurisdiction of Connecticut, by the Charter of 1662,-when his own ideal of a civil state, organized on the basis of church membership, was lost in the more secular qualifications-when the church itself seemed likely to become a part of the civil constitution, Mr. Davenport felt that 'Christ's interest was miserably lost,' and he could not resist the pressing call of the First Church of Boston to become the successor of John Cotton, and John Norton. His church refused to accept his resignation, or in any way to consent to his removal. The utmost to which they could be brought by his persuasions, as well as the entreaties of the church in Boston, was, that if he was determined to go, they would no longer oppose his determination, though they still refused to take the responsibility of consenting. Upon this he considered himself at liberty to act according to his own judgment; and in 1668, probably in the month of April, just thirty years after the commencement of his ministry here, he removed to Boston with his family. He and his son, with their wives, were received into the church at Boston, on the 11th of October, and his ordination as pastor there, or, as we should say, his installation,-took place on the 9th of December.

Mr. Davenport was, at this time, more than seventy years of age. What minister so far advanced in life, would now be called from one church to another, because of the eminency of his qualifications for usefulness? When was there ever another such instance of competition and controversy between churches, for the enjoyment of the ministry of one who, always an invalid, had numbered more than three score years and ten? How rarely, can you find a church who, when a minister has torn himself away from them, retain for him so strong and reverent an affection? This distinguished man died suddenly on the 11th of March, 1670; and was buried in the tomb of his friend John Cotton.

There was a strong minority opposed to Mr. Davenport, growing out of the question of the 'synod,' and 'the half-way covenant,' which Mr. Davenport had vigorously opposed. They protested against the call to Mr. Davenport, and not being allowed to withdraw, they seceeded and formed a new church, afterwards, and now known as the old South Church, in Boston.