jutant of the brigade area. He is responsible for the instruction of the officers of the citizen forces, conducts schools of instruction, supervises work of area officers, etc.

It is the intention of the regulations that the staff officers and area officers shall attend to most of the details of administration; relieving the citizen forces from the burdens of such administrative duties, and thus facilitating their learning duties of a combatant nature. However, in camps of continuous training, all the citizen forces are required to do their full share of administrative work.

The Military College

The Military College was established pursuant to the advice of Lord Kitchener. It is my understanding that the school is modeled after the United States Military Academy at West Point. The object of the college is the education of candidates for commissions in all branches of the Commonwealth military forces. It is open only to those who intend to make the profession of arms their life's work. Graduates are eligible for promotion to the rank of lieutenant.

Vacancies are allotted to the states of the commonwealth on the basis of population, and the candidates from each state compete among themselves. The cadets pay no fees, but are fed, clothed, instructed and paid at the expense of the commonwealth. The course is for four years and includes instruction in military art, including tactics, military engineering, map reading, artillery, military law, military administration, drill, musketry, physical training, signaling, riding and driving, in addition to the subjects usually taught in colleges. Six weeks of each year are spent in camp.

Financial

The cost of the present system was originally estimated as £17 per man per year. I understand that for the year ending June 30, 1913, the cost was estimated to be about £221⁄2 per

man.

Miscellaneous

Because of the great expense which would be involved in providing drill halls for all of the units, a very large amount of

training is done out of doors. The climate is very favorable for such training. The rainfall where most of the training is done is light, and there is no snow. During my last visit to Australia, one parade was held in Melbourne in which 10,000 of the citizen forces participated, including the naval reserve, field artillery brigades, light-horse infantry brigades, army service corps, army medical corps and garrison artillery.

The following is a true copy, furnished by one of the area officers, of a letter which he had received informing him of six boys who had failed to register for service:

OFFICER IN CHARGE OF STAFF OFFICE:

Sir: I am working in a Racing Stable i am a cadet a lott of boys a glenelg and plympton who are working in racing stables have not rigist and who oughit to be drilinge monts ago there are six boys in a stable in plympton who have never rigist and who oughit to be drillinge monts ago if you send a officer round dont say you have recvd a letter about it or they might find out who write it and i might and if they should i should be nerely kiled i never liked drilinge at first but i like it now.

Yours truly Cadett

I am writing to the Staff Office because if i tell the are officer he they might find out who told and if they should I would be nerly kiled

rember mums the word

At first, there was considerable opposition to the compulsory training system. When I was in Australia in 1913, the system had been in operation for a little more than two years. During that time a great deal of the opposition had ceased. The mothers and fathers found that their boys were kept off the street corners, and that their physique and general bearing were markedly improved. Employers found that the boys in training were prompt, more obedient and more respectful.

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TRADES-UNIONISM AND MILITARY TRAINING1

F

MATTHEW WOLL

President of the International Allied Printing Trades Association

UNDAMENTALLY, consideration of the military ob

ligations of citizenship with special reference to the question of compulsory versus volunteer military training and service and of what basic methods may be best followed for the common defense, rests upon the broader subject of war itself—how best to prevent war and how to be adequately prepared, if this nation should become involved in war.

There is an enormous force of public sentiment in the United States for peace. Every true American stands for peace and the settlement of domestic and international questions without force of arms. No true American, however, wants peace at any price. To glorify peace at the sacrifice of ideals of human justice, freedom, and democracy, is cowardice. Resistance to injustice and tyranny and low ideals is inseparable from the virile fighting quality that has given purpose and force to ennobling causes in all nations. Our own freedom and republican form of government has been achieved by resistance to tyranny and insistence upon human rights. Only a people willing to maintain their rights and to defend their freedom are worthy of these privileges.

War is not necessarily bad. It all depends on what war is about. The war of Colonials, for instance, to win independence from England was a just and wise war. The American Federation of Labor at the Philadelphia convention declared itself in full accord with the fundamental principle, the sentiment of which appeals to the higher instincts and ennobling attributes of mankind, that independence, liberty and justice for all mankind are paramount under all circumstances. Or1An address delivered at the evening session of the Academy of Political Science on May 18, 1916.

ganized labor distinguishes between wars of conquest and wars for redress of wrongs, holding that back of all wars for conquest is the spirit of brutality, greed and commercialism, and that back of all wars for redress of wrong is the spirit of independence, liberty, justice, democracy. The former organized labor condemns under all circumstances; for the latter, organized labor has not a word of condemnation. Patriotism-a love for and devotion to, one's country, a preference for its people and customs, a just pride in its excellences -is undoubtedly a good thing. It is only a family pride on a large scale. Like all virtues, if carried to excess, it becomes a vice. While organized labor believes in adequate preparedness, it does not favor—indeed it is emphatically opposed to -any plan which will ultimately establish a Germanic militarism in this country.

The European war has revealed a new danger inherent in modern militarism. This war has demonstrated that warfare is becoming more a matter of mechanics and labor; engineers, chemists, mechanics, trench-diggers and laborers. are fighting the war of Europe. Military tactics include industrial organization, and every plan for the development of political power includes a plan of industrial organization. Every military plan looks to some form of coercion-not only military conscription, but industrial conscription. The ideal of military leaders is a great organization of workers under the control of the army, disciplined, taught to respond and obey. These men would be ready for war if war were desired. In time of peace, they would be occupied on great industrial projects, under the direct control of the army. If that is so, then the militarism of the future means not only an enormously increasing expenditure on armies and navies; it means also the value of men and women will be reckoned according to their capacity as money-makers and as breeding machines. This prospect is not an encouraging one for the workers, or for those striving against commercialism and materialism and for the higher ideals of human progress.

The workers recognize that rights carry with them obligations and duties. It is the duty of those who live under free

institutions to maintain them unimpaired. A duty dependent upon the maintenance of right, in some respects a correlative duty, is that of serving the state or nation as a soldier.

That some citizens are able and willing to serve in the capacity of soldiers is an axiom of government. How far any one can against his will be forced into military service is a question which closely touches every man's liberty of action. While there may have been for centuries a vague acquiescence in more or less compulsion in military service, compulsory military service is now neither legal, constitutional, nor justified. The finding of men for military service has rightfully become and should remain nothing more than an ordinary contract of service, which one may accept or refuse at discretion. Organized labor favors voluntary military service maintained by means of enlistment and is unalterably opposed to a revival of a compulsory system. That many nations, especially ancient and medieval, have in desperate time of fortune resorted to compulsory military service should scarcely be deemed a lawful or meritorious origin for an American rule of law. All the wisdom invoked from precedents of law and practise of nations ancient and modern can never extenuate the essential injustice and tyranny of seizing one class of men and making them slaves to all the rest. The assumption that compulsory military service is the only efficient method permitting the nation's defense is on cursory reflection baseless, though it is the kind of a plea to which absolute power has resorted in all ages. It is difficult to conceive that a nation, such as ours, which has fought so many successful battles for liberty, should even now consider the approval and enactment of a law which would establish compulsory service. Impressment was the ostensible cause of war between Great Britain and the United States in 1812, when it was said all the governments of Europe maintained such a right. To-day the best minds in England and France are calling the present European conflict a war upon militarism and are advocating a reduction of arms at its close. Is it possible that we Americans now seek to fall into their old error?

While armies and military preparedness are essential for