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general apology that they had accepted none. is a resemblance of father and mother in the young man. He is said to be studious and discreet. I hope he will live to become as respectable, and a more fortunate man than his father.' You must have known him at five or six years of age, as well as his sister Anastasia, who is now with her parents.

The majority of the House of Representatives appear to be resolute to do nothing. In fact they have done nothing, and Mr. Giles boasts that he has a majority of ten determined to do nothing concerning the treaty with England. For my own part, I see nothing better than a crisis working up, which is to determine whether the constitution is to be brought to its end this year, or last a few longer. Not the tavern at Cowes, not the tavern at Harwich or at Helvoet, not the taverns at Nantes, L'Orient, and Brest, nor the calms, storms and contrary winds of a long voyage at sea, nothing but a journey through Spain, from Ferrol to Fontarabia is more tedious than the operations of our government under this constitution.

I have received your's of April 1. You must get labor as reasonably as you can. But I almost wish we had let our homestead upon shares as well as the others. Another year I will, if I don't stay at home to take care of it.

I am, affectionately,

J. A.

Who was at this time in captivity at Olmutz.

LETTER CCLXVIII.

Philadelphia, 16 April, 1796.

MY DEAREST FRIEND,

THE Doctor may have the steers if he wishes to have them.

The people of the United States are about to be stirred up in every quarter of the union. The House of Representatives are determined to go all lengths. The merchants of this city have had the most numerous meeting that has been known for a long time, and unanimously voted to petition, that the faith, the honor, and the interest of the nation may be preserv ed. They have appointed committees to correspond with the merchants in all the seaports. I expect that the citizens will also be called together in the state house yard and it is said that the gentlemen will turn out, but the event will be doubtful. The state parties will all be agitated, and party spirit will be carried to the highest pitch. It must be a national determination, and if the nation solemnly determines upon war and confusion, they ought not to charge it to the government. These critical situations are familiar to me, and I always feel calmest in the midst of them. A few outlandish men in the House have taken the lead, and Madison, Giles and Baldwin are humble followers. If the voice of the nation should be finally and decidedly in favor of the treaty, there will be a

mortified party, so bitter, rancorous and desperate, fomented by foreign influence, in opposition, that the government will be very much embarrassed, and the public service very uncomfortable.

When I take a walk out of town and see the young clover beautifully starting, I long to see my own. Pray how fares it?

I have always thought it injudicious to make any attempt against the governor, knowing as I do, the habitual attachment to him, as well as the difficulty of uniting people in another. The countenance he gives to a very profligate party, is very pernicious to the public, but he is stimulated to it in part by the opposition to him, and he would not do less out of office. The constitution of our government is calculated to create, excite and support perpetual parties in the States, mixing and crossing alternately with parties in the federal government. It will be a perpetual confusion of parties. I fear we do not deserve all the blessings we have within our reach, and that our country must be deformed with divisions, contests, dissensions and civil wars as well as others.

As the people of Rome scrambled for power against the senate; as the people of Athens scrambled for more power than was reserved for them by the laws of Solon; as the people of Carthage scrambled for power against their senate; as the people of England scrambled for power against the king and lords, and set up Oliver; as the people of France scrambled for power against every majority and set up Robespierre; so the House of Representatives of

the United States will scramble for power against the President and Senate. And the frequency of popular elections will corrupt all before them. May God of his infinite mercy grant that some remedy may be found before it be too late, in the good sense of this people.

Mr. C. desires me 66 'to present his most profound respects, not daring to send by a husband, any more affectionate regards."

I will venture to present you with my most affectionate regards, my earnest wishes and longing desires to see you.

LETTER CCLXIX.

J. A.

Philadelphia, 19 April, 1796.

MY DEAREST FRIEND,

THE sensations of 19th April, 1775, and those of this morning, have some resemblance to each other. A prospect of foreign war and civil war in conjunction, is not very pleasant. We are a poor, divided nation, in the midst of all our prosperity. The House of Representatives, after debating three weeks about asking for papers, are now beginning another discussion, which may last as long, on the merits and demerits of the treaty. If the House refuse to make the appropriations, it is difficult to see how we can

avoid war, and it is not easier to find out how we can preserve this government from dissolution. We must, however, coolly and patiently study and search for the means and resources which may be left to avoid war and support government. Mr. Swift and Mr. Goodhue have spoken ably in favor of the treaty, and Mr. Nicholas and Mr. Giles spoke more moderately against it than was expected.

I had no letter from you yesterday. Briesler says the mail goes now three times a week, on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays. I shall endeavor to write by each, though it may be but a line of remembrance. I hope your indisposition was not a grave one; but the omission of a letter yesterday gave me some fears.

I cannot deny the right of the House to ask for papers, nor to express their opinions upon the merits of a treaty. My ideas are very high of the rights and powers of the House of Representatives. These powers may be abused, and in this instance there is great danger that they will be. Such a combination of party motives as debts, anti-federalism and French influence, seldom occurs to overawe the members and lead them into party violence. But the faith and honor of the nation are pledged, and though the House cannot approve, they ought to feel themselves bound. Some persons still think the House will comply. But there is an inveteracy and obstinacy on this occasion such as I scarcely ever saw. The pride of Madison, Giles, Baldwin, ill brooking the superior powers of the Senate, emulating the dignity and lustre of members

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