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this? Among other things, to afford nuts for our transatlantic (what shall I call them?) foes.

In a word, if the government and the officers of it are to be the constant theme for newspaper abuse, and this too without condescending to investigate the motives or the facts, it will be impossible, I conceive, for any man living to manage the helm or to keep the machine together. But I am running from my text, and therefore will only add assurances of the affectionate esteem and regard, with which I am, &c.

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, SECRETARY OF STATE

MY DEAR SIR,

[PRIVATE]

18 October, 1792.

I did not require the evidence of the extracts, which you enclosed to me, to convince me of your attachment to the constitution of the United States, or of your disposition to promote the general welfare of this country; but I regret, deeply regret, the difference in opinions, which have arisen and divided you and another principal officer of the government; and wish devoutly there could be an accommodation of them by mutual yieldings.1

1 Hamilton and Jefferson took no pains to conceal the bitterness which had grown up between them. Jefferson wrote, "Hamilton and I were pitted against each other every day in the cabinet like two fighting cocks." Their hostility caused their chief a great deal of pain and anxiety. He tried in vain to reconcile them and persuade them to work together in harmony. See his letters of August 23, 1792, to Jefferson and of August 26, 1792, to Hamilton in his Writings (Ford's edition),

A measure of this sort would produce harmony and consequent good in our public councils. The contrary will inevitably introduce confusion and serious mischiefs; and for what? Because mankind cannot think alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same ends. For I will frankly and solemnly declare, that I believe the views of both of you to be pure and well-meant, and that experience only will decide, with respect to the salubrity of the measures, which are the subjects of dispute. Why, then, when some of the best citizens in the United States, men of discernment, uniform and tried patriots, who have no sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to be found, some on one side and some on the other of the questions, which have caused these agitations, should either of you be so tenacious of your opinions, as to make no allowances for those of the other? I could, and indeed was about to add more on this interesting subject, but will forbear, at least for the present, after expressing a wish, that the cup, which has been presented to us may not be snatched from our lips by a discordance of action, when I am persuaded there is no discordance in your views. I have a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you both, and ardently wish that some line could be marked out by which both of you could walk. I am, always, &c.1

xii., 171, 176. The opposition between the two leaders extended to their followers, and was influential in the formation of our first political parties, the Federalists and the Republicans.

1 This letter was in answer to a brief one from Mr. Jefferson, accompanying extracts from letters written by him to

SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS

DELIVERED IN THE SENATE CHAMBER, PHILADELPHIA,

MARCH 4, 1793

FELLOW-CITIZENS:

I am again called upon, by the voice of my country, to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of United America. Previous to the execution of any official act of the President, the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take and in your presence; that, if it shall be found during my administration of the government, I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunction thereof, I may, besides incurring constitutional punishment, be subject to the upbraiding of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.

TO HENRY LEE, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA

[PRIVATE]

DEAR SIR,

PHILADELPHIA, 21 July, 1793.

The communications in your letter were pleasing and grateful; for, although I have done

different persons, and giving his views of the Constitution as expressed soon after that instrument was adopted by the general convention. For the letters containing these extracts, see Jefferson's Writings, vol. ii., p. 290. North American Review, vol. xxv., p. 268.-Sparks.

no public act with which my mind upbraids me, yet it is highly satisfactory to learn, that the things which I do, of an interesting tendency to the peace and happiness of this country, are generally approved by my fellow citizens. But, were the case otherwise, I should not be less inclined to know the sense of the people upon every matter of great public concern; for, as I have no wish superior to that of promoting the happiness and welfare of this country, so, consequently, it is only for me to know the means to accomplish the end, if it be within the compass of my powers.

That there are in this, as well as in all other countries, discontented characters, I well know; as also that these characters are actuated by very different views; some good, from an opinion that the measures of the general government are impure; some bad, and, if I might be allowed to use so harsh an expression, diabolical, inasmuch as they are not only meant to impede the measures of that government generally, but more especially, (as a great mean towards the accomplishment of it,) to destroy the confidence, which it is necessary for the people to place, (until they have unequivocal proof of demerit,) in their public servants. For in this light I consider myself, whilst I am an occupant of office; and, if they were to go further and call me their slave, during this period, I would not dispute the point.

But in what will this abuse terminate? The result, as it respects myself, I care not; for I have a consolation within, that no earthly efforts can

deprive me of, and that is, that neither ambitious nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. The arrows of malevolence, therefore, however, barbed and well pointed, never can reach the most vulnerable part of me; though, whilst I am up as a mark, they will be continually aimed. The publications in Freneau's and Bache's papers are outrages on common decency; and they progress in that style, in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt, and are passed by in silence, by those at whom they are aimed. The tendency of them, however, is too obvious to be mistaken by men of cool and dispassionate minds, and, in my opinion, ought to alarm them; because it is difficult to prescribe bounds to the effect.

TO DAVID HUMPHREYS

MY DR. HUMPHREYS

PHILADELPHIA, 12 June, 1796.

I could not suffer Captain O'Brien to return without carrying along with him this evidence of my continued regard and friendship for you. In expressing of which I shall be concise, for a long and interesting session closed only the first day of this month-many laws which require immediate attention and execution; added to a preparation for a journey to Mount Vernon (tomorrow) for a little relaxation from the unpleasant scenes which have been and are continually presenting them

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