clear point of view the impolicy of relaxation on our part. If we are wise, let us prepare for the worst. There is nothing, which will so soon produce a speedy and honorable peace, as a state of preparation for war; and we must either do this, or lay our account for a patched up inglorious peace, after all the toil, blood, and treasure we have spent. This has been my uniform opinion; a doctrine I have endeavored, amidst the torrent of expectation of an approaching peace, to inculcate, and the event, I am sure, will justify me in it. With much truth, I am, &c.

MY DEAR SIR,

TO TENCH TILGHMAN

NEWBURG, 10 January, 1783.

I have been favored with your letters of the 22d & 24th of last month from Philadelphia; and thank you for the trouble you have had with my small commissions.-I have sent Mr. Rittenhouse the glass of such spectacles as suit my eyes, that he may know how to grind his Christals.

Neither Duportail nor Gouvion are arrived at this place. To the latter, I am refered by the Marqs. la Fayette for some matters which he did not chuse to commit to writing. The sentim❜nt however which he has delivered (with respect to the negociations for Peace) accord precisely with the

1 Lafayette had written, June 25, 1782, to Livingston, giving his sentiments on the negotiations for peace.-Diplomatic Correspondence.

ideas I have entertained of this business ever since the secession of Mr. Fox, viz-that no peace would be concluded before the meeting of the British parliament. And that, if it did not take place within a month afterwards, we might lay our acc't for one more Campaign-at least.

Of

The obstinacy of the King, and his unwillingness to acknowledge the Independence of the Country, I have ever considered as the greatest obstacles in the way of a Peace. Lord Shelburne, who is not only at the head of the Administration, but has been introducing others of similiar sentiments to his own, has declared, that nothing but dire necessity should ever force the measure. this necessity, men will entertain different opinions. Mr. Fox, it seems, thought the period had arrived some time ago; and yet the Peace is not made-nor will it, I conceive, if the influence of the Crown can draw forth fresh supplies from the Nation, for the purpose of carrying on the War. By the meeting of Parliament, Lord Shelburne would have been able to ascertain two things-first, the best terms on which G. Britain could obtain Peace. Secondly, the ground on which he himself stood. If he found it slippery, and that the voice of the people was for pacific measures; he would then, have informed the Parliament that, after many months spent in negociation, such were the best terms he could obtain;—and that the alternative of accepting them, or preparing vigorously for the prosecution of the War, was submitted to their consideration (being an extraordinary case)

and decision. A little time therefore, if I have formed a just opinion of the matter, will disclose the result of it. Consequently, we shall either soon have Peace, or not the most agreeable prospect of War, before us-as it appears evident to me, that the States generally, are sunk into the most profound lethargy, while some of them are running quite retrograde.

The King of G. B. by his letters Patent, (which I have seen) has authorized Mr. Oswald to treat with any Commissioner or Com'rs from the United States of America, who shall appear with proper powers. This, certainly, is a capital point gained. It is at least breaking ground on their part, and I dare say proved a bitter pill to Royalty; that, it was indispensably necessary to answer one of the points above mentioned, as the American Commissioners would enter in no business with Mr. Oswald till his Powers were made to suit their purposes. Upon the whole, I am fixed in an opinion that Peace, or a pretty long continuance of the War, will have been determined before the adjournment for the Hollidays; and as it will be the middle or last of February before we shall know the result, time will pass heavily on in this dreary mansion-where we are, at present fast locked in frost and snow.

1 The packet Washington, which sailed from L'Orient on January 17, 1783, reached Philadelphia March 12 with the news that the preliminary articles of peace between the United States and Great Britain had been signed on November 30, 1782. When the news was communicated to Washington, he wrote: "The articles of treaty between America and Great Britain are

TO BENJAMIN HARRISON

NEWBURG, 4 March, 1783.

What, my dear Sir, could induce the State of Virginia to rescind their assent to the Impost Law?1 How are the numerous creditors in Civil as well as Military life to be paid unless there are regular & certain funds established to discharge the Interest of Monies which must be borrowed for

as full and satisfactory as we have reason to expect; but from the connexion in which they stand with a general pacification, they are very inconclusive and contingent. From this circumstance, compared with such other intelligence as I have been able to collect, I must confess, I have my fears that we shall be obliged to worry through another campaign before we arrive at that happy period, which is to crown all our toils."-Washington to the President of Congress, 19 March, 1783. When the preliminary treaty arrived, most persons were ready to assume at once that peace was assured. But Washington was more cautious. Anxious as he was to retire to private life, he determined to remain in the service "until the arrival of the definitive treaty," or "the evacuation of my country by our newly acquired friends."-Washington to the Chevalier de Chastellux, 12 October, 1783. Sir Guy Carleton had already on August 17 notified the President of Congress that he had received private orders for the evacuation of New York. This event took place on November 25. Washington then wrote joyfully: "After seeing the backs of the British Forces turned upon us, and the Executive of the State of New York put into peaceable possession of their Capitol, I set out for this place [Philadelphia]. On Monday next I expect to leave the city, and by slow traveling arrive at Baltimore on Wednesday, where I will spend one day and then proceed to Annapolis and get translated into a private Citizen."-Washington to McHenry, December 10, 1783.

1 On February 3, 1781, Congress passed a resolution calling upon the States to grant it as an "indispensable necessity" the power to levy an import duty of five per cent. ad valorem. All the States except Rhode Island finally gave their consent subject to various conditions, and Congress was about to send an

these purposes? and what Tax can be more just, or better calculated to the end than an Impost?

The Alarm Bell which has been rung with such tremendous sound of the danger of entrusting Congress with the money is too selfish & futile to require a serious answer-Who are Congress, but the People?-do they not return to them at certain short periods? Are they not amenable at all times to them for their Conduct-& subject to recall?— What interest therefore can a man have under these circumstances distinct from his Constituents?Can it be supposed, that with design, he would form a junto or dangerous Aristocracy that would operate against himself in less than a Month perhaps after it should be established?—I can have no conception of it.

But from the observations I have made in the course of this war-and my intercourse with the States both in their united and seperate capacities have afforded ample opportunities of judging-I am decidedly of opinion that if the Powers of Congress are not enlarged, and made competent to all general purposes that the blood that has been spilt urgent plea to that delinquent when Virginia, on December 7, 1782, rescinded her action. Her reasons, as set forth in the preamble of the act, were as follows:

"The permitting any power, other than the general assembly of this commonwealth, to levy duties or taxes upon the citizens of this State within the same, is injurious to its sovereignty, may prove destructive of the rights and liberty of the people, and so far as Congress might exercise the same is contravening the spirit of the confederation."-Hening, Statutes-at-Large of Virginia, xi., 171. In October, 1783, however, after the receipt of Washington's Circular Letter to the Governors, Virginia assented to the impost by a unanimous vote.-Ibid., xi., 350.