The governor then read the imperial message, of which I append a translation. The passage in which the Emperor recognized the rights of the Kingdom of Bohemia, and promised to sanction them anew by the oath of his coronation, called forth enthusiastic and prolonged applause. The imperial message renewed in increased force the displeasure of the so-called constitutional press, and the sheets that sustain the ministry declare that their articles exhibit more of passion than of calm, serious, and impartial judgment. The Freundenblatt, for instance, is quoted as saying:

The Count Hohenwart should not be astonished if his projects of laws relating to modification in the provincial statutes and the electoral law are condemned and rejected with at any examination.

The day after the delivery of the imperial message the German delegates developed their plan of operations.

They quitted the assembly, having addressed a declaration to the president, which contained these expressions:

The text of the imperial rescript places the Kingdom of Bohemia outside of the framework of the constitution, since according to the text itself, it no more imposes obligations on this country, but only upon the other kingdoms and countries of the monarchy, and consequently the constitutional rights of the inhabitants of Bohemia cease to be recognized. In view of this inadmissible basis that the government takes as its point of departure, we have reason to fear that it may be the desire to encroach upon the constitution in order to favor a policy which is not founded upon history, and that we can never recognize a policy the effect of which will be to break the national bands that unite the Germans in Austria; a policy, in fine, which compromises the force of the empire in giving to this country an exceptional situation, and places in danger the peace and the prosperity of the country in troubling the national equilibrium. We will never approve, and we cannot approve, a policy which is in contradiction with our Austrian convictions, with our sentiments and our national interests, and with our most sacred duties.

According to the newspaper reports, the declaration of the Germans was received in the Diet with bursts of laughter by the Czechs and Federalists. Three German deputies, one of them the Curé Platzer, declared that they were present by the votes of the electors, and they protested against the declaration of the centralists. The secession or abstention from the Diets and Reichsrath in past years by the Czechs and Poles was not too favorably regarded by the country, although it found a partial justification in the apology that the Czechs certainly had had no part in shaping the constitution, and had uniformly declined to recognize it.

"With the Austro-Germans," said a distinguished German to me, "the case is different; they have claimed to be the founders in Austria of constitutional government; they have eulogized it as a sacred thing; they have demanded acquiescence in the will of the majority, as the foundation of constitutional government, and the first time there is a constitutional majority against them they betray their own principles, and do the very thing they have condemned in others."

What the result is to be is doubtful; possibly some compromise, assisted by the influence of the German Empire, although how any compromise can now be proposed acceptable to the Czechs, who have the power in their own hands, and the pledged word of the Emperor, it is not easy to foresee. It is announced that Prince Hohenlohe is charged with the ceremonial preparations for the coronation at Prague, in the early part of the winter. What seems, for the time at least, an unfortunate feature of this proceedure is, that it tends to revive, in all its narrowness and all its bigotry, that bane of Austrian politics, the doctrine of nationalities. The Germans, who were divided into conservatives and liberals, appear to be almost a unit against the other nationalities, and the lines

are drawn, not according to principles, but to race. The greatest interest excited by the election is shown by the statement, that the number of votes cast was 23 per cent. larger than usual. Of the electors who voted in Vienna, 89 per cent. are announced as against the government. The simple and straightforward policy for the Germans would seem to be, according to our American ideas, to accept the situation and then proceed to prove their superior intelligence and culture by raising issues upon which they could, in a little while, divide the national votes and secure for themselves a majority. This, as an eminent German admitted to me, would be their true course; but he did not think it would be adopted. He hoped for some satisfactory solution of the difficulty by the aid of the great proprietors in Bohemia, who, with Czechs estates and adopted Czechish names, are in fact German in their ideas and sympathies. I annex a translation of an article from the National Zeitung at Berlin, which appeared while the elections were still pending, and which shows the importance there attached to the policy of the ministry, as involving a continuance of the friendly relations between the empires established at Gastein and at Salzburg. It seems a curious exemplification of the remark sometimes made, that political crises constitute the normal state of Austria, that the moneymarket is not at all disturbed by the proceedings at Prague. Indeed, I am told that some of the stocks showed an upward tendency just after the announcement of the German secession, and that Austrian paper is rising in value, but the Austrian lottery loans have somewhat declined. I have, &c.,

JOHN JAY.

APPENDIX No. 1.

The imperial message to the diet of Prague.

TO THE DIET OF OUR KINGDOM OF BOHEMIA!

When by our ordinance of the 30th July, 1870, we convoked the diets of our kingdoms and countries, we were thereto decided by the grave events of which Europe had become the theater, and the development and incalculable bearing of which had demanded all our attention. Thanks to the Divine protection, we have succeeded in preserving in the midst of those events the blessings of peace, and now we can in all security devote ourselves to the task of consolidating the interior peace of the empire. Our first desire is to regulate in a manner just and satisfactory to all, the relations of our kingdom of Bohemia with the rest of the monarchy, of which the revision was promised by our rescript of the 25th of August, 1870. Considering the constitutional position of the crown of Bohemia, the glory and the power which it has afforded to us and our predecessors, considering besides the unshaken fidelity with which the popula tion of Bohemia have always sustained the throne, we recognized willingly the rights of the kingdom, and we are ready to renew their acknowledgment by the oath of our coronation. We can no longer exempt ourselves from the solemn obligations which we have contracted in regard to our other kingdoms and countries by our diploma of the 20th October, 1866, by the fundamental laws of the 26th February, 1861, and of the 21st December, 1867, in fine by the oath taken on the occasion of our coronation to our kingdom of Hungary. We, therefore, take cognizance with satisfaction of the disposition expressed in the respectful addresses of the diet of the kingdom of Bohemia (of the 4th September and the 5th October, 1870) to place the demands of the country in harmony with the power of the empire, and with the legitimate exigencies of the other kingdoms and countries. It is in this sense that we invite the diet to devote itself to the work. We invite it to discuss in a spirit of moderation and of conciliation the manner in which it is advisable to regulate our kingdom of Bohemia, and to furnish us with a possibility of terminating, without violating the rights of our other kingdoms and countries, a constitutional conflict, the prolongation of which would gravely menace the interests of the faithful populations of our empire.

In charging our government to submit to the diet the new electoral system and a law for the protection of the two nationalities, wo send to the diet our imperial and royal salutations.

FRANCIS JOSEPH.

APPENDIX No. 2.

[National Zeitung, Berlin.]

The elections in Austria.

The electoral movements in the German provinces of Austria are daily increasing in interest. The aggressive policy of the Hohenwart ministry is fulfilling a mission not intended by its authors; it is uniting the statesmen of the constitutional party, and purifying their policy from the petty secondary objects and constant collisions which have hitherto been the misfortune of that party, and have rendered fruitless the days

of its rule.

We cannot yet see clearly the result of the elections, but if any gain should accrue to the government, it would only come from parties in whose eyes the open production of unconstitutional plans would not have injured the ministry; for beyond the Imperial House, and the nobility dependent upon it, the ministry can only count upon the support of those feudalists and ultramontanes, who are more inclined to assist the government in proportion to its hostility against Germanism and the constitution; there was no need for Count Hohenwart to conceal any of his plans from them. But the Germans are stirred up by the hostility of the ministry against them, and are united as they never were before. It is impossible to conceive a greater contrast than that between the last and the present elections; the uniting community of endangered interests has taken the place of personal wrangling, the finer shades of political opinion have disappeared; Rechbauer and Giskra, Kaiserfield and Skene, the candidates of the towns, of landed property, and of the chambers of commerce, all solicit the suffrages of the electors under the same conditions and on the same programmes; and the electoral speeches of all the constitutional candidates exhibit a delightful harmony.

Full of significance are the words in which the old Deputy Skene again solicits the votes of his constituents. He says: "I am an Austrian, and abhor the policy of nationalities; but I must, unfortunately, expect that the conspiracy formed by the ministry against Germanism will have this consequence, that the Germans will be only national. When the time has come that the Germans are only national, then all parties in Austria will be outside the state." From the stand-point of the good Austrian patriot, the indictment against the "conspiracy" of the Hohenwart ministry could not be more strikingly formulated; but these words become still more important in the mouth of Deputy Skene, because they show in what way the opposite shades of opinion in the formerly divided party of the constitutional Germans arrive at the same point of union. We in Germany can very well understand the peculiar anxieties of the good Austrian patriots.

We, too, in the common interests of both empires, have most earnestly wished that the question of German nationality should not be stirred up in Austria. Whatever the more distant future may bring to pass, at present friendly relations between the two empires would be most serviceable to peace. We have, therefore, done all in our power to prevent a German nationality question in Austria from becoming the burning question immediately after the conclusion of peace with France. The Hohenwart ministry has deliberately, or from want of insight, introduced the dreaded question into politics at a very unsuitable time, for Europe is not yet sufficiently restored to peace to be able to bear without apprehension even a passing game with the dangerous question.

The most zealous efforts of diplomatists have little power over the national sympathies of peoples, which the present Austrian ministry so lightly inflames.

Whatever the foreign ministers may agree upon in their repeated interviews, for some time to come the relations between the two empires will be determined by the internal policy of Austria. Should the Hohenwart ministry succeed, with the aid of "successful" elections, in uniting the Germans of Austria into a national party outside the constitution, jealousy will be created which will be a bar to any friendship with Germany. The result of the elections will be decisive, not only as to the next stages of the constitution, but also as to the foreign relations of Austria.

No. 121.]

BOLIVIA.

No. 4.

Mr. Markbreit to Mr. Fish.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

Cochabamba, April 11, 1871. (Received June 13.) SIR: Before leaving La Paz I received a letter dated London, February 16, from Colonel George E. Church, the manager of the Bolivian Steam Navigation Company for the navigation of the Marmore and Madeira Rivers and their tributaries, informing me that he was about to return to the United States, to make arrangements for the transportation to Bolivia of two iron steamboats and one steam-launch, (built in the United States.) At the time of writing, Colonel Church, although aware of the revolution which had broken out in this country, had not yet learned its result.

In view of the importance of this enterprise, not only to Bolivia aud Brazil, but to the commerce of the world in general, and remembering the interest demonstrated by the Department, where in dispatch No. 6, of October 7, 1869, it instructed me to use my good offices (unofficially) with the Brazilian charge d'affaires in furtherance of said enterprise, I deemed it expedient to ascertain, if possible, the intentions of the new government relative to the same. Accordingly on the 31st ultimo, with this purpose in mind, I had an unofficial interview with Colonel Morales and his secretary general, in which the former expressed himself most heartily in favor of that enterprise, and of every undertaking tending to the development of the country.

At my request Colonel Morales directed his secretary general to address me an official note, which, although not in such strong terms as had been agreed upon, may nevertheless be of considerable service to Colonel Church, as it will convince his associates that the new Bolivian administration is disposed to lend its assistance in carrying out this undertaking. I may add that all the prominent men in the republic are earnest advocates of this navigation scheme, looking upon it as the natural outlet for the immense productions of their country, and as the only means of ridding themselves of constant revolutions and political disturbances.

I inclose herein a translation of the note referred to.
I am, &c.,

L. MARKBREIT.

[Translation.]

SECRETARIATE GENERAL FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS,
La Paz, March 31, 1871.

SIR: In virtue of the verbal conference which has taken place between the undersigned and yourself, (U. S. H.,) relative to the inquiry which you were pleased to make concerning the intentions entertained by the (excelentisimo) government of Bolivia in reference to the protection of the enterprises for the fluvial navigation of the eastern territory, His Excellency the Provisional President of the Republic has directed me to reply to you that he finds himself (que se halla) animated by the most patriotic sentiments to protect, with all his force, (con todas sus fuerzas,) all enterprises tending to the development of the riches of Bolivia, and the navigation of her vast rivers; and Colonel Church, being among this number, (y en contrandose el Sr. Coronel Church su el numero de ellos,) may rest persuaded of the philanthropic intentions of

his excellency Colonel Morales, the undersigned being able to assure you that he (Colonel Church) will not be prejudiced in his interests.

In this manner I reply to you, subscribing myself your attentive, sincere servant,

Hon. LEOPOLD MARKBREIT,

Minister Resident of the United States, &c., &c., &c.

CASIMIRO CORRAL.

No. 126.]

No. 5.

Mr. Markbreit to Mr. Fish.

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Cochabamba, May 15, 1871. (Received July 3.) SIR: Inclosed I have the honor to transmit a decree (inclosure No. 1) issued by the provisional government of Bolivia, together with a note (inclosure No. 2) from the secretary general, defining the course which the Bolivian government intends to pursue in all cases of claims presented by foreigners, and declaring in how far the government will admit of diplomatic intervention on behalf of such claimants. I beg to call your attention to article 4 of said decree. I also inclose a copy of my reply (inclosure No. 3) to the secretary general's note.

I am, &c.,

[Inclosure No. 1.-Translation.]

L. MARKBREIT.

Augustin Morales, Provisional President of the Republic, invested by the people with ample faculties, considering

1. That the equality of all persons before the law is the basis of a republic;

2. That the government cannot invade nor usurp the attributes of judicial power, which has the mission to judge and decide upon all claims of a private nature;

3. That various diplomatic agents have presented certain claims-which may be just or unjust-directly to the government, in favor of their subjects, thereby involving diplomatic discussion, without having previously invoked, on the part of those interested, the intercession of the courts and tribunals charged with the administration of justice for all citizens;

4. That such proceedings are contrary to the rules of international law;

5. That it is necessary to determine a general rule, in order that all claims of foreign subjects may be adjudicated in accordance with the laws of Bolivia and the usage of international law:

It is therefore decreed:

ARTICLE I. The government of Bolivia will not admit diplomatic reclamations, nor the interposition nor good offices (personeria) of the public agents of other nations, in questions of private interests, unless such questions have been previously submitted for adjudication to the courts and tribunals of the republic.

ARTICLE II. Only in cases of refusal or delay of justice will the government admit 1

the intervention of foreign public agents.

ARTICLE III. The government will not admit reclamations in questions which havo already been disposed of in accordance with the laws of the country, nor in cases which have been finally adjudicated, in accordance with such laws, by the tribunals. ARTICLE IV. The government, however, will accept direct reclamations in cases permitted by international law.

The secretary general is charged with the publication of this decree, and will communicate the same to all concerned.

Done at the city of Cochabamba, this 8th day of May, 1871.

AUGUSTIN MORALES.

GARCIA.