dulgence and similar assistance. He then proceeded to contend, that if the capability of affording good security were the only preliminary necessary to obtain these advances of public money, the Great Midland and Western railway was in a situation to receive part of this loan. He then vindicated his plan from the two objections which Lord John Russell had urged against it that evening, and, on the conclusion of his vindication, reminded his lordship that the Government had objected to it formerly on other grounds, as, for instance, on the insufficiency of the securities which it providedon the ground that it would not lead to the employment of any Irishman as a navigator-and, lastly, on the ground that Irish navigators never had any children. Replying to the challenge of Mr. Roebuck, he declared his readiness to stand by his plan, and to prove that it was much more economical than that subsequently adopted by the Government. Instead of being a scheme to feed the rapacity of Irish speculators, it was a scheme which would have kept the Irish population employed at home, and would have prevented them from immigrating to this country and from beating down the wages of the English labourers. He then set forth at great length the advantages to be derived from the formation of the Great Midland and Western railway, and also from that of the Waterford and Limerick railway, for both of which he wished grants to be made; and after denying Mr. Roebuck's statement respecting the potato crop, proceeded to contend that railways did not convert our floating capital into a fixed capital, and that it was

therefore impossible that they could in any respect derange the money market. The money invested in railways was not tied up-it was perpetually changing hands, and never without advantage to the public. He concluded a long defence of his plan for establishing railroads in Ireland, by quoting a speech of Sir Robert Peel, in which he said, "Drive agitation from the shores of Ireland, and capital will instantly flow in." His (Lord G. Bentinck's) recommendation was rather different. He recommended the House, when it had an opportunity of advancing public money for public works in Ireland upon good security, to pour capital into that country, and to give its population the means of employing itself in honest and laborious and profitable employment. And then he said that capital, bringing contentment in its train, would drive agitation for ever from its shores.

Mr. W. Collett, Mr. M. O'Connell, Mr. M. Gore, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Sheil, supported the Bill. Mr. Trelawny opposed it.

Sir J. Graham, after adverting to a speech made in the course of the debate by Mr. Sheil, observed, that he might have spared the expression of his hope that Parliament before it expired would give some proof of its sympathies for Ireland. In the course of the session we had borrowed 8,000,000l., all of which we had applied to relieve the misfortunes of Ireland; and this was the first proposition for their relief to which any opposition had been offered. He was at a loss to discover on what principle Lord John Russell now offered this measure to the House. He was glad, that our financial prospects were now better than they were formerly;

but he could not conceal from himself that there were circumstances which required particular caution in the management of our resources. The exchanges were not so unfavourable towards us as they were when we last discussed this question. The turn at present was in our favour; but, on the other hand, the importation of corn during the last few weeks had been the greatest ever known in our commercial history. Now, that importation must be met by payment, either in bullion or in our staple manufactures, and from the dearness of cotton we should have great difficulty in extending the export of our manufactures, and the export of specie must therefore again take place. Moreover, it had been admitted, both by Sir R. Peel and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on two great and memorable occasions, that the balances in the Exchequer should be kept as high as possible. All these circumstances ought to be carefully kept in mind before the House assented to this measure. Neither ought the situation of Ireland itself to be overlooked. He had a strong impression that every shilling which we advanced to Ireland should be employed, not indirectly in the employment of labour, but directly in increasing the quantity of food. If the potato crop should again fail, the Chancellor of the Exchequer should have in reserve, not only 620,0007., but a much larger sum, to meet the distress, not only of Ireland, but of England also. If the House could not succeed in increasing the quantity of food by the reclamation of waste lands, it ought to consider whether it could not diminish by emigration the number of persons who might ap

ply to it for food. Lord Lincoln had proposed a plan of emigration which had not met with the approbation of that House; but he thought that this money would be better expended either in improving waste lands or in giving assistance to some scheme of emigration not too extensive. He then proceeded to show that all the arguments which had been urged against the plan of Lord George Bentinck were equally applicable against this measure. For instance, this Bill was not for the relief of the poor of Ireland, but of the speculators in Irish railways. If these railway speculators were to be relieved, why were others to be excluded from relief? Feeling, then, that this Bill was wrong in principle, partial in practice, impolitic, and uncalled for, he should certainly give his vote against it.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out the change of circumstances which rendered this measure desirable now, although it would have been inexpedient at an carlier period of the session. When the Government opposed Lord G. Bentinck's railway plan, it had done so on the ground that it would not stop the ravages of pestilence and famine in Ireland, and that it was better to supply the population with food, especially on the western coast of that country. The time, however, must come when relief to the poor in Ireland by England must cease, and when it must be thrown on the landlords of the sister country. At that time it would greatly alleviate the pressure which would be thrown on the Irish landlords, if the Government afforded them the means of providing employment

for the people. Sir J. Graham had recommended the Government to do something experimentally in the reclamation of waste lands and in colonization; but Sir J. Graham was a man of too great sagacity not to know that the expenditure of such a sum as 600,0001. would be perfectly useless in such experiments. Although the state of the money market was not easy now, he asked the House to consider whether it was not desirable to find employment for the people of Ireland? He had, therefore, thought it advisable to authorize the Exchequer Loan Commissioners to make an advance of 620,000l. under the ordinary securities that the undertaking should be a good one in itself, and that the security should be ample.

Mr. Hume condemned the measure of Government as unjust and partial, and admitted that Mr. Disraeli had made out a triumphant case against those who had voted against Lord G. Bentinck's plan, and who now supported that of Government.

Mr. Cardwell hoped that the House would be informed before it separated, whether this measure was an exceptional case founded on the peculiar necessity of Ireland at the present time, or whether it was part of the general policy to be adopted in future by the Government towards Ireland. He looked upon it as a most improvident measure in the present condition of the Exchequer, and recommended those who had to provide for the dividends on the 10th October next to keep this sum of 620,000l. in the Exchequer, as it might be wanted. The House then divided, when the numbers were-for the second reading

The Bill was then read a second time, and was not opposed in its subsequent stages.

Among the modes of ameliorating the condition of the sister country, which occupied the attention of the public at this period, plans of systematic emigration to the colonies were much advocated as a means of relieving the country of some portion of its distressed and redundant population. Among other propositions which were started with this view, was one brought forward in the House of Commons by the Earl of Lincoln, who, on the 1st of June, moved, pursuant to notice, for an address to Her Majesty, praying her to take into her most gracious consideration the means by which colonization might be made subsidiary to other measures for the improvement of the social condition of Ireland. His lordship, in a very long and able speech, explained that his object was to obtain a commission to inquire, first, whether colonization could be applied so as to relieve those who remained in Ireland; secondly, whether it could be applied so as to relieve those who left Ireland; and, lastly, whether it could be so conducted as not to interfere with the interests of our colonies. Mr. Hawes, as Under Secretary of the Colonies, in replying to the motion, admitted most of the principles contained in his lordship's speech; but differed from him as to the expediency of appointing a commission to inquire into such a subject. He refused to move any

amendment on the motion of Lord Lincoln, and suggested to the noble lord the propriety of withdrawing it. A long discussion then took place, in which Mr. Gregory, Mr. V. Smith, Sir R. Peel, Lord John Russell, Mr. Hope, Mr. Hume, Mr. O'Connell, Mr. F. Scott, Sir W. James, Lord J. Manners, and Mr. Aglionby took part.

In conclusion, the address was agreed to; but Lord John Russell intimated that he should advise Her Majesty not to issue a commission of inquiry, but to conduct the inquiry through the agency of the Executive Government. He expressed his readiness to advise the governors of our North American colonies to consult their Executive Councils and their local assemblies as to the plans of emigration to which they would lend their aid; and he added, that he would lay the result of those consultations on the table, along with the opinions of the Administration upon them, early in the next session of Parliament.

The same subject was a very few nights afterwards brought under the attention of the House of Lords by Lord Monteagle. His lordship, who went over nearly the same ground as had been taken in the other House by Lord Lincoln, moved for a select committee to inquire into the question of Irish

emigration; and, in a long speech, dilated on the importance of the subject in general, and the imperative necessity for considering it at the present moment, when distress was so prevalent both in Ireland and in other parts of the United Kingdom.

Earl Grey would not offer any opposition to the proposed inquiry, which would tend to disabuse the public mind of dangerous errors as to the extent to which emigration might be made available as a means toward reducing the surplus population of Great Britain. He trusted, therefore, that their lordships would recollect that, in consenting to this committee, it was not his intention, or that of his colleagues, to encourage an expectation that emigration could ever be carried on upon the gigantic scale which some believed necessary and practicable. He believed it was only as subsidiary to other measures now in progress, calculated to relieve the local congestion, if he might so call it, in particular parts of Ireland, that emigration, as it had gone on, and would go on, would benefit our population, and would be serviceable to our colonies.

After some observations from Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Monteagle replied.

The motion was then agreed to.