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constitutional prerogatives. The
actual Cabinet was in existence
when the protocol was signed;
whence it follows, evidently, that
the change which the protocol con-
templates is applicable to it, and
that the formation of a new Mi-
nistry, agreed to in the said pro-
tocol, can only be understood of a
Cabinet destined to succeed it. It
is unnecessary to refer, on this
subject, to the exclusions esta-
blished in the said act. The un-
dersigned, consequently, claiming
from the Government of Her Most
Faithful Majesty the fulfilment of
its promises in respect to the nomi-
nation of a new Ministry, may say,
that on their part they perform a
duty, while there is a right on the
part of the powers which they have
the honour to represent.
(Signed)

"VARENNES.
"G. H. SEYMOUR.
"AYLLON.

"To his Excellency M. Bayard."

To this note the Portuguese Ministry addressed a voluminous reply; but the most important passage was that with which it concluded, and which was as follows:

"The guarantee given by the Allied Powers to the insurgents, of the observance of the constitutional charter, necessarily involves, by the principles of equal justice, the obligation of guaranteeing the constitutional throne likewise against the perfidy of those who, in spite of that observance of the charter, still cherish designs of insurrection against it. If, then, the Governments of the Allied Powers will expressly establish this guarantee, the Ministers of Her Most Faithful Majesty will, with the greatest satisfaction, resign their portfolios into the hands of those persons who, the Royal prerogative

being saved, shall be most acceptable to the said Governments and to your Excellencies, whose important services to our country we acknowledge.'

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The Ministry accordingly resigned on the 13th of August, but great difficulty was experienced in forming a new Cabinet. The task was first intrusted to Senhor Rodrigo da Fonseca Magalhaens, but after attempting it for several days he was obliged to give up the commission to construct an administration; and the Queen next applied to Senhor Felix Pereira de Magalhaens, who was, however, supposed to be a partizan of the Cabralist faction, and he also entirely failed. The next attempt was more successful, for Senhor Antonio de A. Mello e Carvalho was enabled to form a Ministry on the 22nd of August, consisting of the following members:

M. Antonio de Azevedo Mello e Carvalho, Minister of the Kingdom and President of the Council; M. Francisco Antonio Fernandes da Silva Ferrao, Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs and Justice; Baron da Luz, Minister of Foreign Affairs; M. Marino Miguel Franzini, Minister of Finance; M. Joao de F. Pereira de Mello, Minister of Marine and Colonies; and Baron de Almofalla, Minister of War.

The new Cabinet immediately put forth the following programme of its intended policy:

"There shall be in the Ministry one thought, and for the execution of this one sole will. United responsibility towards the Queen, the Chambers, and the country,-all the Ministers answering for the acts of each one, as for their own, in each of their departments,-shall be preserved inviolate. The Ministry will have for its duty the strict ob

servance of the charter and the laws, for the guide of its actions economy and justice, as well as an entire forgetfulness of the past, and avail themselves of merit and aptitude wherever they may be met. The Ministry will be especially watchful of the national independence, and of the inviolability of the Crown's prerogatives; it will loyally observe the treaty stipulations with foreign nations, and will fulfil the conditions of the protocol signed in London on the 21st of May last. The Ministry will prepare, to be presented to the Cortes, those projects of reform in the constitutional charter which experience may have proved to be necessary. In all the departments commissions shall be nominated to prepare those projects of law which are most needed in all branches of the public service; and for these commissions the Government will invoke the patriotism and intelligence of all the most conspicuous and competent citizens, abstracting entirely from opinions and political parties. Until the Cortes shall deliberate, no paid place which may Decome vacant shall be filled up, excepting only the heads of departments, and other offices which cannot be dispensed with. No place, either temporary or for life, shall be filled up without the vacancy being previously announced in the Diario do Governo, and a concursus being opened for 15 days at the least, in order that the preference may thus be given to talents and virtues. No high functionary shall be appointed or dismissed without previous deliberation in the Council of Ministers. The Ministry will be indefatigable in requiring accounts from all who have been employed as managers,

depositaries, or administrators of the public money, regularly or irregularly, and will promote the infliction of legal penalties in cases of robbery or malversation. They will make all public employés effectively responsible for their acts of commission or omission in the discharge of their functions. They will respect contracts legally entered into, will be loyal in their promises, and punctual in the discharge of the obligations contracted, as far as is compatible with the forms of the Treasury and the greater exigencies of the public service. They will employ all their efforts to provide for the subsistence of the military officers disconnected from the active service of the army, whatever be the origin of their situation. They will have it at heart to promote by all means the cancelling of the notes of the Bank of Lisbon, and to reduce the discount upon them, adopting those measures which may be deemed convenient in accord with the General Assembly of the Bank of Portugal, whether they result in a modification, alteration, or amplification of the existing stipulations. They will endeavour especially to promote the great National Lottery, decreed for the cancelling of the said notes. In the approaching election of deputies they will maintain the freedom of the urn, and fidelity in the registry, without seeking to influence by any direct means or impose names on the electors, employing only through the administrative authorities those moral and honest means of persuasion which may concur in guiding to a good choice of deputies, in the sense of order, legality, and the maintenance of the throne and the constitution."

CHAPTER XII.

SWITZERLAND.-Review of the Causes which led to Civil War in Switzerland-Disturbances in Zurich, Soleure, and Argau-Suppression of the Monasteries and Convents-Presidency of Lucerne-Commotion in the Valais-Result of the Revolutionary Movement there-Great Council of the Canton of Argau-Denunciation of the Jesuits-Assembling of the Diet in 1844-Invasions of Lucerne by the Corps Francs-Discussions in the Diet respecting the Expulsion of the Jesuits-Revolu tion in the Canton Vaud-Diet assembled in July 1845-Formation of the Sonderbund League-Revolution in Geneva in 1846-Politics of Bale Ville and St. Gallen-Vote of Diet that Sonderbund illegal— Resolutions respecting the Expulsion of the Jesuits-Commencement of Hostilities-Proclamation by the Diet to the Sonderbund-Federal Commissioners appointed-Conference for the Adjustment of Differences -Its Failure-Final Resolution of the Diet against the Sonderbund -Address of General Dufour to the Federal Army-Friburg taken by the Federal Troops-Attack on Lucerne, and Submission of that and the other Cantons-Attempted Mediation of the Five PowersDecree of the Diet respecting the Expenses of the War.

SWI

WITZERLAND.-The events that happened this year in Switzerland fixed the attention of Europe upon that country, which has, since the conclusion of the last war with France, afforded few materials for the historian. We have been accustomed to look upon it as a country unvexed by political storms, and one of the most peaceful members of the great European family. But the elements of civil dissension have long been rife within the rugged girdle of the Alps; and, during the present year, they burst out into a flame which rendered the affairs of the Swiss Cantons an object of grave solicitude to the neighbouring Powers. In order

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Zurich about 250,000, while Uri comprises only 15,000. Each Canton is independent and sovereign, except in so far as it is bound by the provisions of the Federal Pact, or by resolutions of the Diet in fulfilment of and in conformity with the Pact. Three out of the twenty-two Cantons-Bale, Appenzell, and Unterwalden-are divided each into two Half-Cantons, each Half-Canton sovereign and independent, subject to the restriction above mentioned. The two sections of Bale (town and country) and of Appenzell (Inner-Rhoden and Ausser-Rhoden) not only differ from each other on the most material points, but are almost always politically opposed; and, whenever they are so opposed, their votes are neutralized in the Diet. There are 2,400,000 inhabitants of Switzerland: of whom about 900,000 are Catholics, the remainder Protestants.

The Federal Pact, under which the Swiss Cantons are associated, was framed in 1815, in place of the constitution called the Act of Mediation, which, having been introduced and guaranteed by Napoleon, had fallen with the extinction of his power. Since 1830, almost all the Cantonal Governments have undergone a capital change; and, in 1832, the majority of the Diet recognised the necessity of modifying it, and named a Committee for the purpose, of which M. Rossi, of Geneva, was the reporter. Their scheme of Federal Reform -maintaining intact the cantonal sovereignty and equal representation in the Diet, but remodelling the Federal authority-was signed by the deputies of fourteen Can tons (including the three directing Cantons of Berne, Zurich,

and Lucerne), and recommended by them earnestly to the acceptance of Switzerland; but it was rejected.

Prior to the year 1798, the condition of a Swiss Canton was that of a great feudal lord, with an aggregate of many separate seigneurial properties, acquired partly by conquest, partly by purchase: in the town cantons

such as Berne, Soleure, Basle, Zurich, &c.-the town was the lord, the country districts were attached to it as dependent properties in the rural cantonssuch as Uri, Schwytz, &c.-it was an aggregate of rural communes, which exercised lordship over other dependent communes in their neighbourhood. This system of political inequality, broken up between 1798 and 1815, was revived to a great degree in the latter year: in the town cantons the Government again fell into the hands of the citizens of the town, and was even confined to a small number of persons among those citizens, while the country districts were either essentially subject, or had a share in it little more than nominal. Most of the Cantons had their two Councils-Great and Small Council; the former Legislative, the latter Executive: but the real powers of Government were all exercised by the Small and Executive Council, while the Great Council had neither initiative nor independent play of its own, nor publicity of debate.

The revolution of July roused the public mind throughout nearly all Switzerland: during the few years following, the Governments of Berne, Zurich, Argau, Soleure, Lucerne, Friburg, Schaffhausen, Thurgau, St. Gallen, and Glarus became all popularized, the changes

being carried without bloodshed by meetings and demonstrations of sentiment, such as the actual Governments were unable to resist. These movements-directed to obtain recognition of the sovereignty of the people, with an elective franchise exercised by the people alike in town and country-were properly Radical movements, just as the party in power to which they were opposed was Conservative it was then that the denominations Radical and Conservative became current in reference to the two opposing parties; and they have continued to be so applied after their fitness and appropriate meaning had ceased.

On the 6th of September, 1839, the Radical Government was violently overthrown at Zurich, in consequence of their nomination of Dr. Strauss to a chair of theology. Not only did the political opposition in the Council, the public, and the press, raise the most vehement outery against this appointment, but the clergy employed their pupils in the most direct and exciting manner against the Government, which was obliged to give way and cancel the nomination. They organized what were called Committees of Faith, composed of clergymen as well as laymen; preached insurrection throughout the villages adjoining Zurich; prevailed upon a large number of the rural population to take up arms under the cry of "Religion in danger;" and marched into the town to put down the Government by force. A clergyman, named Hirzel, was at the head of these armed assailants, who overpowered the resistance opposed to them, and drove the Executive Council out of the city. One of the members of that Council, Dr, VOL. LXXXIX.

Hegetschwyler, in endeavouring to restore peace, was among those slain in the streets. This violent revolution, in consequence of which the Government of Zurich passed entirely into the hands of the politico-religious party (still called Conservative), who had made it, took place at the time when Zurich was presiding Canton of the Confederation, and the Diet was actually assembled in the town.

In Lucerne and Soleure-and in Friburg, to a less decided extentnew and popular constitutions had been promulgated in 1831, and the Government had come into the hands of the leading Liberal politicians in the Cantons. The year 1840 was the year determined upon for submitting the constitutions of Lucerne, Soleure, and Argau, to decennial revision. In the elections which took place in the first half of that year throughout the Canton of Lucerne, for choosing a constituent body empowered to review and propose amendments in the constitution of 1831, the party called Conservative, with the Ultramontane clergy, were completely successful, and a majority of the constituent body were chosen in a sense hostile both to the existing constitution and to the existing Government.

In the Canton of Zurich, the party which acquired power by the revolution of 1839 lost it in 1845, by the change of an electoral majority; but, in the Canton of Lucerne, the party who acquired power in 1841 have retained it ever since; and to them, more than to any other cause whatever, the subsequent bitter dissensions of Switzerland, as well as the present almost inextricable embarrassments in the way of future union, are to be traced. They are animated with

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