are carried by British vessels? But this would be to impose a double burden on the grower, and the consequences thereof would be as quick and as inevitable as they would be disastrous. And to prove that our fears are not groundless, and that this reprisal would be the consequence, carried out to its full extent, see what the Board of Commerce of Bordeaux states in the aforesaid Report. It says, "The great movement carried on between England, The United States, and France, has for its object the transport of coals from the former and of cotton from The United States. Well, whenever the day arrives in which a differential duty be imposed on the entry of these articles, whether imported in British or American vessels, one and the other Power, to incline the balance in its favour, would only have to impose an equivalent export duty on coal, cotton, and other merchandize which French vessels might ship at their ports. "On the other hand, as England and The United States are at liberty to impose on our vessels which may convey to, or may go to load merchandize at their ports, duties equal to those levied in France on their flags, where and what is the advantage which our navy would derive? How is it not seen that with such arms, which are at the will of every Government, nothing is easier to any than to impose a Treaty of reciprocity as regards navigation ?" Add to this, that looking into the actual state of our trade, if it be borne in mind that England is the binding and only market for itself and for Europe of many of our articles,-for example, the wines of Xeres, the quicksilver, the sugars, and tobacco of our Antilles, and others. When the tariffs have hitherto entirely prevented the bringing return cargoes (the smuggler, it is known, does not pay differential flag duty, nor perhaps withal is Gibraltar for some years back the place from which principally comes the contraband which infests our markets) it is evident that this situation would become doubly distressing to us. The continuation, then, of the differential flag duty with England is of no matter to our commerce, it is rather our interest to suppress it. Neither is it a matter of importance to our merchant navy; because supposing that by its continuation it is protected, it would bear with it its decay, in a want of support, by the want of commerce, and with it would likewise cease to exist the Royal Navy; an important consideration, which the Committee points out, because, perhaps, it is borne in mind in these calculations, even although it may not have been expressly invoked by it. And on this consideration, although cursorily, the Committee believes it expedient for the same reason to state its opinion, trade forms the growth of the merchant navy; it springs out and strengthens itself with it, and by it is regulated the Royal Navy, and each, whenever they are not proportioned to the wants of trade, becomes a real superfetation, destined to perish, carrying with it the downfall of no small interests, and disconcerting or retarding even the opportunity of being brought forward at some future period usefully and opportunely. The last question made by Her Majesty's Government is, whether the benefit of flag ought to be abolished as regards other nations? The answer cannot but be affirmative, considering the convictions entertained by the Committee on the preceding question. Combining, therefore, their sentiments, the Committee opine that England has no right to exact the abolition of the differential flag duty, invoking absolute reciprocity, that Spain should do as much as she has done, not for the convenience of Spain but for her own. The basis of existing Treaties do not establish reciprocity in this sense, but so far as each of the two nations may obtain from the other the advantages which this may grant to the most favoured. In accordance therewith, England, who cannot exact from Spain that abolition which Spain has granted to none, cannot deny it to her, as England has granted it to others. The Treaty ought, therefore, to be denounced or declared broken, and the parties free. This being obtained, and observing if the abolition of the aforesaid duty, stipulated with any other nation, can be the means of deriving therefrom other advantages, then to employ it. And as a last contingency, even although it should be gratuitously consulting self-interest alone, abolish completely and generally, with all such as may grant us reciprocity, the differential flag duty; never forgetting the principle that the true interest of commerce, and as an effect and not a cause of the same, the principle of the protection of the navy, lies in the increase of trade, which increases so much the more as the facilities are greater. Such is the conviction of the Committee, which the Council may enlighten by its superior wisdom. MANUEL DE MAZARREDO. FERMIN DE LASALA. JOAQUIN ALFONSO, No. 123.-Lord Howden to Viscount Palmerston.-(Rec. Sept. 15.) MY LORD, Madrid, September 9, 1851. As your Lordship may suppose, after having transmitted to you in my despatch of the 8th July, the favourable report of the "Consejo Real" on the proposition to establish a reciprocity in the charge imposed on shipping, I have used my best endeavours to bring the question to a solution, with the view and hope that it might come into operation, in its amended state, on the 1st of next January. I addressed a note to the Marquis of Miraflores, a copy of which I likewise annex. I have, &c. Viscount Palmerston, G.C.B. SIR, HOWDEN. (Inclosure.)—Lord Howden to the Marquis de Miraflores. -Madrid, September 6, 1851. I TAKE the liberty of again not only troubling your Excellency, but entreating your Excellency to press upon the Spanish Government the solution of a question highly interesting to both countries, and I feel sure at the same time that the Government of Her Catholic Majesty will acquit me of undue and unbecoming importunity when I recall to their memory that my first note to the Marquis of Pidal on the subject, in which I developed at length the whole question, was dated as far back as the 9th of August, 1850, now more than one year ago. In common with others I have heard with great satisfaction a statement, or rather a rumour, for it has never been officially communicated to me, that the Government of Her Catholic Majesty, acting in the spirit of those enlightened views which most certainly have penetrated its councils, and with tendencies to adopt a course which experience, not theory, has proved to be beneficial to the nations who have followed it, have found their ideas confirmed by the majority of those respectable advisers to whom those ideas have been submitted, and that a new system, in accordance with the liberality of the age, has found favour in the eyes of the learned Councillors of the State. If this be true, the few observations with which I wish to trouble your Excellency are these I hope and trust that your Excellency as well as the Spanish Government, are aware of the anxious desire I feel at all times to do everything in my power, and that my position permits, not only to do what is agreeable to them, but to ward off everything that can directly, or by implication have a contrary effect, and I equally trust that your Excellency will believe that the same desire animates those by whom I am employed, but circumstances at times exist, as in this instance, in which no good will is sufficient. Your Excellency is aware that on the 1st of January, 1852, a period not far removed, ships under the Spanish flag will have entered the ports of the United Kingdom for the space of two years with the enjoyment of the same franchises as English ships, while during this long period English ships entering the ports of Spain have enjoyed no reciprocity whatever. I confidently ask your Excellency whether this state of things is just, and whether it can possibly continue? Your Excellency from experience, residence in England, and acute penetration, knows better than most people what is the working of that assembly called the House of Commons, and that there are an infinity of points which the Government must concede, and still more especially on the point to which my remarks refer, as already, on three separate occasions, the discussion on the refusal, or at least delay of reciprocity by Spain has been deferred at the request of Her Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs, and the expression of his hope, and even expectation, that the Government of Spain was occupied in a speedy solution of the question of mutual navigation. Your Excellency is aware that the English Parliament is likely to meet in January, and there is no manner of doubt but some independent member, stimulated by what is called the Shipping Interest, and irritated, perhaps, at the one-sided state of things now prevailing, will move an address to Her Majesty to impose on Spanish ships the same charges under which English ships labour in the ports of Spain; the Government will have no plausible reason to assign against the motion, and thus tardily and unwillingly the Executive will be forced to use the powers given to the Crown in the Bill itself by which the former Navigation Act was altered. It is, therefore, with an anxious desire to prevent the complications and additional delays which would ensue from these untoward circumstances, that I hope they may not take place, as there seems no overpowering reason for their not being avoided. If your Excellency agrees with me in the principle of the arrangement proposed, I am sure your Excellency will agree with me in the above considerations dependent upon it, and of the very great advantage and importance, and I may say necessity, that the new state of things (if, indeed, I am justified in the expectation that it will be adopted by Spain,) should begin its operation with the new year, that is, from the 1st of January, 1852, just two years after the new English Navigation Bill came into force, and two years after the Government of England has very willingly conceded gratuitous advantages to the flag of Spain, in order to give fair time for reflection and for those dispositions attendant on all changes of policy. Your Excellency will, I am sure, not say that that time has been niggardly dispensed. In earnestly claiming your Excellency's attention to this note, and if I can hope as much, your Excellency's kind and powerful assistance in attaining its object, which I sincerely believe likely in the end to be as beneficial to one country as the other, I seize this occasion, &c. The Marquis de Miraflores. HOWDEN. No. 124.-Lord Howden to Viscount Palmerston.-(Rec. Sept. 23.) (Extract.) Madrid, September 15, 1851. IN connection with my despatch of the 9th instant, I herewith inclose to your Lordship translation of the official answer of the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Viscount Palmerston, G.C.B. HOWDEN. (Inclosure.) The Marquis de Miraflores to Lord Howden. MY LORD, (Translation.) Madrid, September 8, 1851. I HAVE read with great attention the observations which your Lordship develops in your note of the 6th instant, respecting the expediency for Spain of her corresponding to the franchises and exemptions which England grants at the present time in the ports of the United Kingdom to the vessels of all nations by her new navigation law, by the adoption, on the part of Spain, of a system of perfect reciprocity. I must first of all-and it is to me a most gratifying duty-do full justice to the feelings and intentions by which your Lordship is animated in behalf of this country and of its Government. I do not hesitate to acknowledge how much those feelings and intentions have facilitated up to the present moment the official relations with your Lordship, and contributed to maintain a good understanding between the two Cabinets. I trust that your Lordship will not, on your part, entertain the least doubt as to the good wishes by which Her Majesty's Government is animated to do everything which is consistent with the interests of Spanish navigation, tending to give satisfaction to the interests of Great Britain and to conciliate them with those of Spain. But your Lordship will not be surprised, at the same time, at my abstaining from advancing any judgment on a question which, being now submitted in Spain for examination to the most competent persons, is so intimately connected with the protectionist system hitherto followed by the Spanish Government, and the solution of which has cost so many years of meditation, and so many efforts to the most eminent statesmen in England. What I can at once offer to your Lordship, and will hasten to do, is to call the earliest attention of the Cabinet of the Queen, my Sovereign, to your Lordship's important statements, and to urge the necessity of a speedy decision on the subject; and I can assure your Lordship that whatever that decision may be, the enlightened opinion on which your aforesaid statements are founded, will deserve the most serious consideration on the part of Her Majesty's Govern ment. Lord Howden. I avail, &c. |