triumph of man over physical difficulties. Several miles onward, the roadway passes over a moss; and here, by a steady and cautious system of cuttings and embankments, the railway has been laid down successfully upon a soil which appeared as treacherous as the sands of the desert. The valley through which the river Sankey runs is crossed by an enormous via-duct, consisting of embankments and arches built upon piles, of extraordinary magnitude. Hence, to Manchester, the line does not present any peculiar difficulties. The whole cost of this grand work will be about £600,000.

V. The last public division of our subject is that relating to the External Navigation of the country. The two bills for the improvement of harbours are those of Dover and Helmsdale. Those for the extension or regulation of docks are the East India, the Liverpool, and the London. The other bill, in this class, is for the improvement of the Gravesend pier.

The commerce of London and of Liverpool form objects of wonder and envy to the civilized world. The trade of each port is very different in its nature; and thus the tonnage of the one may increase, without any diminution of that of the other. The Pool of London-indeed the whole course of the river, from Blackwall to the Tower-is, perhaps, one of the most splendid spectacles of modern times. The almost uninterrupted range of warehouses and quays-the East India, the West India, the London, and the St. Katharine's Docks-the coasting and other small vessels anchored in the Pool-the long succession of steam-boats and ships arriving from, or departing to, all the ports of the Old and New Worlds-these are circumstances which fill the mind with a sense of the vastness of our commercial wealth and industry. The trade of the port of London has more than doubled in the last thirty years. But the port of Liverpool offers a greater condensation of commercial objects, and is, to a certain extent, more imposing. From the magnificent expanse of the Mersey you look upon a quay of about two miles and a half in extent, presenting an uninterrupted succession of docks, and piers, and towering warehouses. The river is constantly alive with steam-packets crossing to the opposite shore, or going out to the various ports of Ireland, or Scotland, or Wales; while ever and anon some stately merchantman arrives from her long journey across the Atlantic, and rushes into the harbour, like a bird seeking her nest. From one extent of these magnificent docks to the other, you may walk without interruption. A merchant in London seldom sees his vessel; but at Liverpool the adventurous speculator hurries down from the Exchange to the quay, when the distant signal has told him that his ship is coming into the port, and he welcomes her to her home with a proud feeling, which the ordinary coldness of money-getting cannot deaden.

The new dock, for the completion of which a bill to borrow additional sums was passed in the late session, is a continuation of that splendid line of accommodation for shipping, which has been growing with the extraordinary growth of the trade of Liverpool. This single dock has already cost more than a million; and extensive as the other docks are, it is no common case for vessels to ride in the Mersey, which is often dangerous, from the impossibility of finding other accommodation.

The trade of Liverpool has more than doubled in the last twelve years. The revenue of customs, which this port contributes to the national stock, is four millions annually; and its export trade is the largest in the empire, larger even than that of London.

VI. The bills of Private Regulation affect only individual interests; and it is, therefore, unnecessary for us to offer any remark upon them.

We have thus taken a rapid view of the projects of public improvement, which, during the present year, have received the sanction of the legislature; and many of which are doubtless already in progress of execution. Subtracting, from the whole number of private bills, those which are of the sixth class, we find that one hundred and forty-nine projects, materially affecting the agricultural and commercial interests of the empire, and the comforts and accommodations of its inhabitants, have passed into law. These projects have originated and been carried forward-will be executed and maintained-by the energy, the wealth, the public spirit, and the vigilance of individuals. They are, each and all, remarkable instances of the power of Association in a free and intelligent community. Every succeeding year will bring forth similar projects, for it is impossible to imagine any natural limit to the progress of internal improvement. Nothing can interfere with this spirit but a woful decay of our national resources, and nothing can produce that decay but a long period of shameful misgovernment.

It is difficult to contemplate the arrival of such a period, as long as the people continue to administer their own affairs-cultivating as they do more and more that sound and universal knowledge which is requisite for a right administration of them. Upon this foundation we may safely build for a continuance of that energy which is the result of freedom and intelligence. To an empire like that of Great Britain, founded, not upon rapine and conquest, but upon her capacity of supplying by her wealth, her science, and her industry, the wants of the whole civilised world, the time must be very distant when the rivalries of commerce shall compel her to limit her enterprises and narrow her spheres of action. Her first duty is to break down all those dishonest distinctions which are adverse to the spirit of knowledge and liberality, upon which her prosperity is founded. United at home, she has little to fear from the jealousy, or even the growing competition, of other states. Her second duty is to maintain the tranquillity of the world, as long as she can do so, without any compromise of her just dignity and her natural independence. It is not for her to join any of those combinations of despotic governments, which have for their object to perpetuate the ignorance and slavery of large portions of mankind-neither is she to permit her abstract love of freedom to hurry on those sanguinary conflicts between the slave and the tyrant, which, to be triumphant, must be the result of a state of public feeling, before which tyranny must wither away at once, and be no more seen. Let her, as the prime duty to herself and the world, study to be quiet." Her interest, and that of mankind, is peace. But if the time should come when the sword must be drawn, let her gird on her armour as one that is slow to

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anger, but powerful to avenge. She must be triumphant, whoever be hostile, as long as the spirit of her people is fairly committed, as it is now in a time of tranquillity, to the advancement of her real welfare.

But yet it is not difficult, in moments of political speculation, when the imagination is filled with the ideas of the people of another hemisphere, rising up to a height of commercial grandeur, and putting forth mighty energies, of which our own are but a type,—it is not difficult to fancy the arrival of a period, when all our great public works, our quays, our docks, our bridges, our canals, our roads, shall be desolate and ruinous, as the choked-up harbours of Carthage or of Venice. It is not difficult to imagine a combination of circumstances under which our boasted commerce may gradually leave us for newer channels ;when the Mediterranean shall be shut against our flag; when India shall be no longer subjected to our sway; when our colonies shall have thrown off their allegiance, and shall pour their riches into more convenient markets; when the rising states of the New World shall manufacture their own commodities, and neither ask us to take their raw material, nor pay the price of our labour, in converting it to the uses of their comforts and luxuries. That time may, indeed, arrive in the natural course of things, but, to our minds, it is very, very distant. There are those who believe that the period of our commercial declination may be postponed, by our rigid adherence to that exclusive system by which our trade was first reared, and was long supported; and they proclaim, for our example, the narrow wisdom of other countries, who have refused to meet us upon that enlarged field of commerce which is open to each nation, fairly seeking to exchange its peculiar products without the embarrassing regulations of ancient jealousies. They are wrong. Our commerce must increase in spite of these restrictions; because our capital, our activity, and our public spirit, are a century at least before the rest of the world. The nations which are blessed with good governments are striving to come up with us. Be it so. We shall still keep the head of them, freed from the shackles of those old prejudices which so long have encumbered the commercial industry of the world. Were we still to wear these shackles, and attempt to preserve our superiority by exclusion, they would soon pass us in the race. A liberal system of trade, as far as is compatible with our actual relations, varying, as they must do, with the opinions of other nations, is the only security for the preservation, and the extension of a commerce, which could not exist for another quarter of a century, but as it administers to the general welfare of mankind. When it ceases to be a blessing to others, as well as a profit to ourselves, it must perish; but an intelligent people, supported by a wise government, has no cause for this apprehension.

JOURNAL OF A CHAPLAIN IN THE ARMY

OF THE PRETENDER.

[We are happy to have an opportunity of publishing, from the original MS., the journal of a Reverend Divine, who was deeply committed to the fortunes of Charles Edward. The narrative is, in many respects, curious and interesting; and furnishes, in a small space, a tolerably vivid picture of that enterprise in which the hopes of the Stuarts were wrecked for ever.]

A JOURNAL OF MY TRAVELS ATTENDING CHARLES PRINCE OF WALES AND PRINCE REGENT, TILL THE BATTLE WAS FOUGHT AT CULLODEN, AND OF MY SCULKING AFTER THAT BATTLE TILL I RETURNED HOME.

His Royal Highness landed on the western coast of Inverness-shire the latter end of July 1745; and sent Major Alexander Maclachlan, uncle to Fassafern, with a letter of call or summon to Lachlan Maclachlan, of that ilk, about the middle of August. Maclachlan, young Inchconnel, and the Major, with a company of private men, came to my house August 27th. And after them came Kenneth Maclachlan of Kelanuchanach, who was afterwards Major to the Athole Brigade, and travelled to Derby, though then seventy-one years of age: whereas I had then been only in my grand climac

teric.

Aug. 28th. We set all out together from my house to Seal. And from thence Maclachlan took boat straight for Kingerloch: and I went to Kerrera to raise our men there; but followed him with the men I raised, next day.

My cousins-german John and Patrick, from Mull, joined us in Kingerloch, where we tarried five or six days waiting intelligence. Then hearing the Prince and his little army had marched to Coirayearaig to meet General Cope, we ferried to Appin, and marched through Glenco and the muir of Ranoch. When we arrived at Coisavillay we stopped there for nine or ten days, while Maclachlan was raising the Menzieses by orders from his Royal Highness; and, with them, we joined my Lord Nairn with the Athole Brigade at Taybridge, and marched alongst with them through Crief, Dumblane, Down, the Frew, Falkirk, and Lithgow, to the Camp at Duddistown; where we arrived September 16th; and where the Duke of Perth offered me the honour, of his own accord, to introduce me to kiss the Prince Regent's hand; and so did Sir Thomas Sheridan likewise.

The 20th.-Our Prince Royal, after making a very moving speech to his men, and using the ceremony of drawing his sword, marched with his whole army from Duddistown to Tranent, towards General Cope and his army. But after coming in view of them above Prestonpans, could not engage them that evening, because their front was fortified with deep ditches; and it was too late, however, to SEPT. 1828.

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attack them; so, when it turned dark, the Prince and his army moved to the shore for better access, and lay on their arms all night. Next morning, with the first dawn, the Prince and his brave Highlanders crossed a pretty deep ditch to come at the enemy; and the battle of Gladsmuir was fought at six of the clock in the morning of September 21, 1745, being Saturday.

General Cope's cannons played briskly on our men (the Camerons in particular) so soon as they came in view from the shore. But whenever the Highlanders, by a very quick march, came to a close engagement, the dispute did not continue above four or five minutes, when Cope's men gave way; and almost his whole foot were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners.

Upon a brae, a little above the field of battle, stood, as idle spectators, about six score horses of the Prince's party, with whom I was. When I observed about three hundred of General Cope's horses attempting to escape through Preston towards Dalkeith, I called aloud to the horsemen I stood with to come alongst, that we might take the fleeing horses; but two or three of the gentlemen contested the case with me: so, lest I'd lose time, I rode off at the gallop, crying to all that were for the Prince to follow. Whereupon, near twenty horsemen followed, whereof Sir John Macdonald was one. On my way I met Glenmoriston, with four score men, coming to assist the Prince, and addressed him to turn with us to General Cope's horses; which he did; but by the stops I met with, the rear of Cope's horses were just passing by ere we came up with them; and thus General Cope and they escaped. Then I rode straight into the field of battle; and after meeting Invernahyle and his men in the pursuit, I made up to the Prince, and wished him joy of the glorious victory! To which he was pleased to reply, with a smile, "Sir, the Highlanders have done it all."

After the wounded of both sides, and the prisoners, were taken care of, there was a table spread for his Royal Highness on the field of battle at Cope's cannons; and he did me the honour to bid me say grace, to which he rose and stood very gravely. He lay that night at Pinkie, and returned with his army next day to Edinburgh.

Within three or four days thereafter, the Prince Regent sent off Mr. Kellie, as his envoy, to give the King of France an account of his success, and to solicit a landing in England, according to promise. But he continued with his army about Edinburgh, (being lodged himself in the Abbey,) waiting and expecting the Isle of Skie men, and others, from the north. Meantime, an attempt was made to blockade the castle of Edinburgh, but to no purpose. Then the Prince called a council of war to determine further measures; and depending on the French landing, pressed marching to England, which was agreed to.

On the last of October the Prince left Edinburgh, and went to Pinkie, thence to Dalkeith; and from thence he marched with part of the army to Lauder and Kelso (whither I attended him); and Lord George Murray, with another part of the army, marched through Peebles and Moffat to the Borders.

The Prince tarried two or three days at Kelso; thence he marched