the reason is, that dreading, on one hand, the tyranny of Spain by which they have been so long oppressed; and, on the other, the tyranny of the demagogues, whose excesses they have so recently experienced; they prefer the absolute authority of a wise prince to the alternative which would expose them to the return of either of these scourges. In short, we are convinced by the example of all ages and all nations, that in so vast an empire as Brazil, there may exist some discrepance of opinion respecting the organic form of government, without the admission that this discrepance is a phe ́nomenon, or that it indicates the conspiracy of power against public liberty. Besides, who will believe that the emperor so much mistakes his situation and personal interest, as to be disposed to change the institutions which he himself created, and to the nature of which he owes the throne which he occupies? Will it be imagined that his majesty is not convinced that, in the present state of the world, and above all in the present state of America, such is the absolute necessity of a representative government that without it, there can now exist no safety either for kings or nations? When it is known that, a few months ago, the prince, in an assembly of his council, combated the right of succession to the titles of nobility, as a principle, hostile to the claims of merit, will it be believed that he is ignorant that, in every legitimacy resulting from social compact, in which royalty is conditional and not essential, the representative government has an immense advantage over the despotic? because, according to the remark of Montesquieu, "as the people who live under a well regulated police are more happy than those who, uniufluenced by restraint, wander about in

the forests; so, monarchs, who live under the constitutional laws of their country, are happier than despots who have no principle by which to regulate their own inclinations or those of their people," "because," says the same political writer, " as it is in the nature of the representative government, that there should be under the prince, several orders connected with the constitution, the state is for that reason, more fixed, the constitution m ore stable, and the persons of those who govern better protected."

But there is another refutation of the opinion of the Times, more decisive than either our reasonings, or those of the editor: it is the following document:

After thanking the cabildo of Monte Video for the expression of their sentiments of affection, his Imperial Majesty returned the following answer by his secretary of state for the affairs of Europe:

"In respect to religion, his majesty orders me to reply, 1st. That intolerance is contrary to the constitutional oath, and even to the Roman catholic, apostolic religion: because God has given to man liberty to believe, or not to believe, to save or damn himself by his belief or unbelief. 2dly. In reference to usages and customs, his imperial majesty desires me to reply that, in respect to those which shall be established by the laws, the constitution requires that the assembly should not change them without the imperial sanction; and, as those not established by law, are not independent of government, his imperial majesty will act according to his judgment. In allusion to the wish expressed by the cabildo, to yield implicit obedience to his imperial majesty, the emperor replies, that the constitutional oath having been required, and taken by all the provinces and by that of Monte-Video, no consideration could induce his imperrial majesty to violate his oath; and that, even had his majesty not taken this

oath, he could not accede to such a proposal, because his sentiments being completely constitutional, he can never submit to reign but in virtue of a constitution, &c."

Another complaint :— :-"The cabildo (or council) of Monte-Video," says the Times, "had their loyal feelings invigorated by receiving from Rio Janeiro a portrait of the emperor. In return for this mark of imperial condescension, they addressed his majesty in a style. of inflated eulogy and extravagant admiration, which leaves European flattery at a distance, and may well excite the envy of European courtiers. On the 4th of December, say these loyal counsellors, appeared on the water of our horizon, like a true luminary, the precious gift of which your majesty had sent us. On the same day, your resplendent august colours ennobled the great hall of head quarters; and on the 5th your most inestimable picture was conveyed incognito to the capitular palace, till a room should be prepared for its solemn inauguration," &c. &c.

This is, we acknowledge, a tirade too Asiatic, and pretty much resembling the compliment of Durbek to the Molach Mahomet Ali, that he was born to reside among the stars, and that he certainly concealed himself, lest he should darken the sun. But does the Times think that European flattery has exhausted the vocabulary of servility? that it can supply no more byperbolical expressions; and that it has felt none for the use of the courtiers of the New World? Is it, really, a wonder to hear the cabildo of Monte-Video invest with emphasis phrases which are daily repeated in all the courts of Europe? and shall we be terrified because the municipality of Brazil have written to their prince,

(who, no doubt, justly appreciates the value of their' words) what the prefect of the Oriental Pyrenees, said, in the presence of the duke D'Angoulème, who sin-' cerely believed it? Is all this any thing more than the vulgar language of the courtiers of every country? We must not be frightened at such trifles. "If we hear of many more representations of this kind, there will be no longer room for doubting the absolute power of Don Pedro 1."

After having established the principle of the imperial intervention, in the preparation of the address from Monte-Video, it was natural that the Times should infer this consequence; but the incorrectness of the principle having been once demonstrated, which is the fact, the conclusion is, that such addresses may be repeated, without predicting the extinction of the constitutional government which, by its essence, guarantees to every citizen the right of petitioning on any subject whatever.

"On the part of the people, if these addresses may be supposed to speak their genuine sentiments, the abolition of constitutional forms can scarcely be a subject of much regret. As easily can we conceive a reptile assuming our attitudes, and imitating our motions, as a slave rising to the erect posture of a free man, immediately after grovelling in the dust, and uttering the abject language with which these addresses are contaminated."

There is, in this reasoning, a great moral truth and a great political error. A slave does not suddenly adopt the manners of a free man. This is true. But is he, therefore, to be abandoned to his degradation; and is he to excite no pity when he is excluded from a

wise constitution which can alone progressively raise him to the dignity of man? Certainly not; and we are convinced that nothing but a momentary impulse of ill humour could have induced the judicious editor to assert a proposition which, if it were correct, would command the half of mankind never to shake off their chains. It is not sufficient to command slaves to be free; they must be made so by means of institutions, and the influence of time.-F. d. F.

BUENOS AYRES.-The political situation of the republic of Buenos Ayres is evidently every day improving and acquiring new strength. The obstacles which, for a short time, impeded the organization of the constitutional congress, and the inconsiderable difficulties arising from the choice of a situation for the central seat of the federal government, have been happily removed. The general congress has assembled at Buenos-Ayres, where deputies have arrived from all parts of the union. The greatest wisdom and unanimity prevail in its discussions relating to the establishment of the federal constitution, the principles of which are to regulate the government of the different provinces of Rio de La Plata, and cement their alliance. The federal government is, likewise, unremitting in the discharge of its functions, and is accomplishing a gradual and rapid reformation of all the abuses connected with the former state of things, and which had obstructed the progress of the revolution. Among the measures intended most powerfully to consolidate this happy revolution are, that which has for its object the defence of the nation against the usur