two celebrated chiefs twice passed the night in the same chamber. In the mean time, the two parties were to send deputies to Spain, to conclude a definitive arrangement. Morillo repaired thither in person, leaving general la Torre in command of the army. The armistice signed on the 25th of November, was broken on the 24th of the following June. It is said that Bolivar violated it by taking possession of Maracaibo. We shall examine this question in a future article which will conclude this biographical notice of the president of the Colombian Republic. B. SA.... [To be concluded next Number.] INTERNAL POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SOUTH BRAZIL. What political system is competent to unite the empire and the republican states which have succeeded the Portuguese and Spanish monarchies in South America? Will they be able to consolidate their independence, without mutual co-operation? And, admitting the establishment of this independence, does its continuance imply the necessity of the same form of government for every American nation, from Cape Horn to the Isthmus of Darien ? These are the three most important questions connected with American policy, the solution of which affects, beyond that of any other, not only the specific interests of the nations of the New World, but even the general interests of humanity. It is a subject involving the whole destiny of the new confederacies, and inferior to none, in its claim to the serious consideration of every American statesman. In a former part of this work,* we entered into the discussion of these three essential points, which we viewed in all their diversity of aspect. We then proved, we think, with the evidence of demonstration, *See the introduction to No. I. that national independence and civil liberty are requisites of indispensable necessity to all the American states, of whatever denomination; that an indissoluble fraternal union could alone give efficiency to their efforts, for the attainment of these two invaluable blessings; but that indiscriminately to assign to each state the same form of government, without distinction of origin, manners or localities, would be, not only an act of violence, but a gigantic task, the possibility of which transcends the limits of the human mind, and the nature of things. We proceeded still further: we demonstrated that the erection of the empire of Brazil, in the midst of a multitude of democratic states, powerfully militated in favour of the liberal principles which have diffused themselves over the new world; because the erection of this empire proved that the opposition of the Americans originated not in their hatred to the word monarchy, but in their hor ror for the insupportable tyranny which, under the protection of the sceptre, had been so long exercised with impunity. Impressed with this twofold persuasion, we stated as our opinion, that, if the deductions of a contracted policy should convert into a principle of war, the difference existing between the forms of government adopted by the states recently emancipated, a conflict of this nature, deriving its source from useless abstract considerations, would transmit its influence from cabinets to society; that, like every quarrel involving opinion, it would compromise all classes; that it would bring in its train a complication of disastrous circumstances; that, lastly, this state of violence would revive the imperfectly extinguished pretensions of foreign enemies; and that, if its operation injured not the independence of America, the stability of which cannot now be impaired, it might yet render questionable the period with which she associates her claim to the tranquil and uninterrupted enjoyment of the blessings purchased by a protracted series of arduous and painful efforts. Having, however, pointed out these dangers to the wisdom of the American politicians, there seemed to exist no reason for apprehension; and the principle solemnly adopted by the American cabinets, as a fundamental maxim in their politics, not to interfere in the domestic concerns of other powers, and to recognize any form of government, in every instance in which the principle whence its authority emanates is distinctly known;* this maxim induced us to hope, that the new social order of America,and the propitious destinies which await her, would be interrupted neither by injurious prejudices, vain theories, nor chimerical fears. Even, at the present period, this wise policy so im * "The government of Colombia has laid it down, as the fundamental principle of its policy, not to intermeddle in the domestic concerns of other powers. It is very easy to recognize an y form of government, when the principle or source is known from whence its authority emanates. The republic of Colombia has solemnly recognized the empire of Mexico, but to extend that recognition to the dynasty which has been there de facto established, in the person of D. Augustin Iturbide and his family, there is need of some other data, which we still want, notwithstanding the effective measures which have been taken to obtain them," &c. periously claimed, as essential to the preservation of the common safety, has not yet been relinquished; and it may, to a certain degree, be asserted, that the American regeneration still reposes upon a uniform and invariable principle. It is, however, impossible to deny, that both the monarchy and the republic, each the offspring of independence, have been hitherto so completely occupied by their attention to the means of mutual vigilance and opposition, as to preclude the adoption of measures which might have effectually led to conciliation. This observation is of a most serious tendency; and, if we may express our unreserved sentiments, it appears to us not impossible, that the intemperate claims of faction may produce the elements of a destructive conflagration, unless prompt and efficient means be applied to defeat the dangerous purposes of intrigue, or to counteract the ambitious designs of some men, whose minds contemplate no source of hope, no prospect of advantage but in the oscillation of governments. These reflexions arise from the strange and inconceivable rupture which has just taken place between the government of the republic of Buenos Ayres, and that of his imperial majesty, the emperor of Brazil. Many wars have been hitherto witnessed, (and how few are equitable?) but the scruples of aggressors have almost invariably suggested the precaution of concealing the sword under their manifestoes, and of forbearing recourse to arms, till they had first attempted the establishment of their claims. Those princes whose invasions were the most iniquitous, or the least allied to justifiable motives, as, for instance, Lewis XI, Lewis XIV, and Napoleon, were |