Appendix. Great Britain, acquire a similar share by the same means in the councils of the 1782. the rotten and corrupt boroughs of a part of their members, and add them to those places which had a greater stake and interest in the country. Another mode recommended, was shortening the duration of Parliaments. But all consideration of these he should for the present entirely omit, referring the task of selection to a committee freely chosen. The matter of complaint was clear; his own judgment was strengthened by the advice of some of the first characters in the kingdom, and of some on whom the grave had closed. Of one of these in particular, every Member of the House could speak with more freedom than himself. That person was not apt to indulge vague and chimerical speculations inconsistent with practice and expediency; and the opinion of that person was, that unless first principles were, in this respect, recurred to, and a more solid and equal representation of the people established, by which the proper constitutional connexion might be revived, this nation, with the greatest aptitudes for happiness and grandeur of any other on the face of the earth, must be confounded with the mass of those whose liberties were lost in the corruption of the people. He moved, and was seconded by Alderman Sawbridge, "for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the state of representation in Parliament, and to report to the House their observations thereon." The first opponent of the motion was Mr. Thomas Pitt, who anticipated and deprecated the constructions to which his sentiments would be liable from those who considered him merely as proprietor and representative of Old Sarum. He objected to the time of introducing the subject, when Government was already overloaded with projects of reform. Mere theorists attempted to establish the wild system, that nations could only be free where no individual was bound but by laws to which he had consented, either in person or by a representative whom he had actually nominated. History sufficiently proved that such a principle never applied to the British constitution. Nothing like equality of representation could be found. Rutland as a county, returned as many representatives as Devonshire or Yorkshire. were represented, afterward great cities, towns, and places of note, and even At first, counties alone inconsiderable villages. The rule of their addition could not be defined, but most assuredly it was not that of equal representation, or uniform importance; nor was it fit, at this period, to try chartered privileges by a new rule, which never did apply to them. However plausible and popular the idea of equal representation, it was of all others the most extravagant, impracticable, visionary, and absurd. If such a principle was essential to a free Government, there never had been, nor ever could be a free Government. The real origin and purpose of the Parliament was to balance the power of the Crown. The Members of the Lower House, however variously elected, stood, individually and collectively, as representatives of all the subjects of Great Britain. If they effected the great purpose of defending the people at large against the encroaching power and increasing influence of the Crown; if, as faithful guardians, they held the public purse; if they preserved the laws of the country from violation, they answered every end of their institution, whatever irregularities a speculist might fancy he discovered in their appointment; for that country truly enjoys the benefit of civil liberty, where the laws hold an equal course to all, not where all are equally represented. "Is all influence in this House," he proceeded, "equally dangerous, equally alarming, equally subversive of the great principle I have endeavoured to establish? What was the contest with the Crown before the establishment of the Lower House? A contest not for liberty, but for power, between the King, the Barons, and the Clergy. What has been the change that since its origin has thrown weight into the balance of this House? The Aristocratical Adolphus' weight of property, which, increasing in this House, has enabled it to resist the Appendix. augmenting influence of the Crown. The House of Lords can no longer be relied on as a counterpoise; the Barons are no longer the barrier against the Hist.Geo.3 encroachments of the Crown. Let us take care, that by an innovation purely 1782. democratical, and which shall remove from us that influence to which we owe so much of our importance, we do not reduce ourselves again to that state, when the greatest influence of all may crush us under feet.' The motion, he observed, would place Parliament in a cruel dilemma; if negatived, the prejudices of the times would represent the House as partial, prejudiced, and corrupt; shutting their ears against evils fatal to the public liberty, lest they should be obliged to confess the necessity of a remedy. If the proposition was adopted, they must launch into a sea without a shore; a general inquiry without any defined or specified object; an inquisition into the state of every borough, which would alarm the feelings of every one interested in so extensive a consideration, while it held out to the public, expectations which the House never meant to satisfy, nor ought to satisfy, nor could satisfy, were it ever so expedient. The question was not, whether any specific alteration should be adopted; but whether Parliament should open a general shop to receive all the projects of the wildest of projectors; to let loose the imagination of the public on the most delicate, and yet most important of considerations. Bounds could never be set to the inquiry; the torrent could never be restrained; the principle must be carried to its utmost extent, or abandoned; representation, if an inherent or natural, was an universal right; there was no medium. To countenance so general, so undefined a measure, as that on the table, would be an act of madness and infatuation, tending only to tumult and disorder, and every confusion that expectation, followed by disappointment, could operate on the passions of the multitude. During a long debate, many conspicuous parliamentary characters delivered their sentiments; Sir George Savile, Mr. Courtenay, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Sheridan supported the measure. Its chief opponents were the honourable Mr. Yorke, Mr. Rolle, Mr. M'Donald, Mr. Rigby, and Mr. Dundas, who particularly distinguished himself by a speech, replete with sound sense and accurate informa-' tion, and sparkling with genuine wit. The question was rejected by adopting Rejected. the order of the day.* The conduct of Ministry was represented to the public as insidious and treacherous; they were accused of giving a negative, damning support to the proposition, while, by indirect means, they concurred in its failure. Against this charge, which threatened fatal consequences to their popularity, Mr. Fox, at a subsequent period, took great pains to justify himself. He professed warm, unalterable attachment to reform; but some of his colleagues, particularly Mr. Burke, and Mr. Thomas Townshend, he said, viewed the proposition with disgust and antipathy. Such men he could not influence to speak or vote against their opinions, but what he could, he did; he persuaded them not to attend the discussion.† Saw Alderman Sawbridge renewed his annual attempt to shorten the duration of 17th May. Parliament; but his motion, though eloquently sustained by Mr. Pitt, was re- bridge's jected by a large majority. ‡ Lord Mahon also introduced a bill for preventing annual bribery and expences at elections, the regulations of which were so strict, as motion. even to prevent the candidate from allowing a carriage to a non-resident voter. Mahon's Mr. Pitt supported the bill, but it was opposed by Mr. Fox, and the severest of bill. its clauses being rejected, it was withdrawn. 24th. The ministerial undertaking of economical reform was introduced to Parlia- 21st June ment, by a message from the King to each House, recommending the consider- 15th April. * 161 to 141. Exertions respecting economy + See Mr. Fox's speech at the anniversary dinner, (10th October, 1782.) Remembrancer, King's vol. xiv. p. 293. 149 to 61. Message Adolphus' Appendix. ation of an effectual plan of economy, through all branches of the public expenditure. He had taken into consideration a form and regulation in his civil list Hist.Geo.3. establishment, which he would speedily submit to Parliament for their advice 1782. and assistance. "His Majesty," the message proceeded, “ has no reserves with "his people, on whose affections he rests with a sure reliance, as the best support of the true honour and dignity of his Crown and Government; and as they have hitherto been his best resource on every emergency, so he regards "them as the most solid and stable security for an honourable provision for his person and family." Burke's bill passes An address of thanks was voted with unanimous assent; Mr. Burke, in moving it, congratulated the House and the kingdom, on the happy era when His Majesty, freed from that secret and injurious council, which stood between him and his people, now spoke to them in the pure and rich benevolence of his own heart. The message was the genuine effusion of paternal care and tenderness; it was what good subjects merited from a good King, and every man would rejoice in and bless the day, when, restored to the dignified independence of his elevated situation, the Sovereign was able to participate in their sufferings, to praise and reward their fortitude. It was the best of messages, to the best of people, from the best of Kings. Mr. Powys in the name of the country gentlemen, declared his warm exultation in the message, and in language formed on Mr. Burke's model, extolled it as a noble and gracious instance of Royal benevolence, which would reconcile the people to their burdens. " His Majesty," Mr. Fox too spoke in terms of panegyric and confidence. he said, "came with almost unparalleled grace to his Parliament, and desired "to participate in the exertions and sufferings of his people, by the reduction "of his own peculiar establishments, choosing and wishing to find his support "in the hearts of his subjects." But however confident might be the anticipation of Ministers, the bill for in an al- retrenching the expenses of the household no longer appeared before the public tered state. with all the captivating allurements which had been lent to it, while designed 6th May. by opposition for the embarrassment of Government. In the committe, Mr. 13th June. 14th. Burke proposed a saving of seventy-two thousand three hundred and sixty-eight pounds per annum; but he introduced his bill tardily and silently to the House. On the second reading he was goaded into a speech, for the purpose of defending his measure against the imputations it incurred by varying essentially from the original proposition, when the public were taught to expect a golden harvest from economy, and a luxuriant vegetation of liberty, from the prunings of influence. He had omitted a regulation for supplying the Royal Household by contract, he said, because the measure was generally unpopular. The regulations relative to Wales were abandoned, because they did not appear to please the people, who were taught by a faction to regard them with horror. The retrenchment in the Ordnance Office he had postponed, if not totally renounced, because that department was filled by a nobleman whose patriotism and frugality would supersede the necessity of restraint. The Mint was not yet regulated, because the Directors of the Bank were unwilling to assume the execution of its duties. The offices of Treasurer and Cofferer of the Household were suffered to remain, because their possessors carried white wands, and their abolition would appear an encroachment on the splendour and dignity of the Crown. The Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, it appeared by a subsequent explanation, were left unreformed, because the clamours which had been raised about Wales might extend to them also. These reasons appeared so trifling, that even Colonel Barré and Mr. Powys expressed themselves not entirely satisfied, and the bill passed dully through the House, barely unopposed, but wholly uncelebrated. The retention of appointments which had been formerly descanted on in glowing terms, as extremely onerous and injurious to the public, for no other reason than that they were held by the Duke of Richmond and Lord Ashburton, formed a stigma on the favourite measure, which was not removed by Mr Appendix Burke's disinterestedness in bringing forward a bill regulating his own office, the intent of which was to prevent enormous balances from remaining in the Hist.Geo.3. hands of the Paymaster of the forces. Adolphus' 1782 the civil The Royal message respecting economy was speedily followed by another, 24 May. requesting a discharge of arrears of civil list, amounting to nearly two hundred Arrears of and ninety-six thousand pounds; the House voted the requisite sum, and the list dissavings intended to be made by the reform bill were mortgaged for payment of charged. the interest. This mode of blending the two transactions was vehemently decried in the Upper House, as an infringement of their standing order made in 3d July. 1702, that no bill of regulation should be allowed to pass with the appendage of a clause for granting money. The Lord Chancellor and Lord Loughborough supported this doctrine with great ability, but the House decided in contradiction to their judgment.* yon's mo Some further economical regulations were promised, but none effected 25th June. during the Session. The Attorney-General, Mr. Kenyon, distinguished himself Mr. Kenby a motion for collecting into the Exchequer, the balances in the hands of tion. several Paymasters. His original propositions extended to charge the holders of those balances with interest for the sums in hand; but Mr. Fox, with equal ability and judgment, observed, that by so doing, Government would place its "In the one officers in the same situation with the guardians of a minor. case," he said, "there is an obligation to make the money superlucrate; in the other, none. To claim interest from an accountant would justify him in placing "the money out at interest, and consequently render the public liable for "losses." A motion was made for bringing in a bill to carry into effect some of the resolutions moved by Mr. Kenyon, which was, however, after a debate of some warmth, rejected, and the new Ministry left in a minority.† Some other unimportant essays were made on the pension list, and some ineffectual attempts to render an object of censure a pension of a thousand pounds conferred on Lord Loughborough. While the Ministry were thus engaged in fulfilling the expectations they had Efforts of raised respecting domestic regulation, they pursued with equal ardour the great pacificaobject which made the nation solicitous for their attainment of power, the restoration of peace. tion. 1781. Holland. Soon after the commencement of hostilities with Holland, the Empress of March, Russia offered, through the medium of M. de Simolin, her Ambassador, to ne- Retrospect gotiate a renewal of the ancient intercourse between the two countries; and of negotiaPrince Galitzin presented to the States-general a memorial to the same effect. tion with The States of Holland and West Friesland alone declared their acceptance of the offer; but the British court candidly explaining the causes which led to the rupture, particularly the ascendancy of the French party in the Dutch councils, observed, that during the war with France, and in the present disposition of the republic, all reconciliation must be merely superficial, as the Dutch would continue secret auxiliaries of France, under the mask of a pretended alliance with Great Britain. But should any indications appear of a change in this disposition, His Majesty would readily treat for a separate peace, under the sole mediation of the Empress, who had been the first to offer her good offices.‡ Toward the close of the year, the negotiation was renewed; the English party in Holland gained more authority, and hopes were entertained of triumphing over the French faction, who strove to impede the Treaty, without openly contravening the Empress. Their first measure was to procure from Sweden an offer to co-operate in the mediation, which the British cabinet refused, alleging their former promise to the Empress. § Although the Statesgeneral shewed more favourable dispositions than formerly toward Great Bri† 127 to 116. * 44 to 9. See Annual Register, 1781. Article, State Papers. H Adolphus' 1781. Appendix. tain, it was obvious, that if France obtained many of their foreign settlements by compact or recapture, and an apparent naval superiority, no separate Hist. Geo 3. Treaty with England could take place. The Cape of Good Hope was already under the protection of France: and soon afterward de Bouillé reconquered their most important West India settlements. The escape of M. de Guichen from Kempenfelt, and the great projects meditated by France and Spain in the transatlantic world, together with the hopeless state of the British arms in Europe, the capture of Minorca, and blockade of Gibraltar, gave a decisive turn to the politics of the Hague. Their answer to the offer of the Empress precluded the hope of peace; and an article in the new compacts between Holland and France prevented either from making a separate Treaty. March. 20th. 19th. Failure. This intelligence had not reached England when the great change was made in the cabinet. The Rockingham administration had expressed in parliament, with the utmost confidence, the intention of effecting a separate reconciliation. Their endeavours were stimulated by a letter from Prince Galitzin and M. de Marcow, the Russian ministers at the Hague, apprising them of the prevailing system of the States-general, and urging dispatch in impeding the formation of a perpetual alliance between the courts of Versailles and the Hague. Mr. Fox assured M. de Simolin of the King's earnest desire to renew the friendship, 30 unhappily interrupted, on the ancient footing of the Treaty of 1674, and to give immediate orders for an armistice, and requested the mediation and good offices of the Empress.* The British cabinet entertained sanguine hopes of success, and directed foreign ministers to lose no opportunity of cultivating a good understanding with those of Holland; but the republic persisted in the original design of fortifying the connexion with France, and rejected the proposed interference. April. As the pacific intentions of the new ministry were well known, the impeOffer of the rial Ambassador, Count Belgioioso, again proffered the good offices of his Emperor to mediate. court, in a missive, styled in the diplomatic language, une insinuation verbale, to which the Secretary of State returned a cordial and complying answer. The 28th April. King, he said, did not wish to prejudge any question, or to exclude any party from the negotiation; neither the States-general, nor the American colonies; he was ardently desirous of peace, and wished that it should be speedy, but it must be equitable. Austria had, however, no right to presume that Great Britain should rely with implicit confidence on her mediatory efforts. It had long been apparent to the English Ambassador, that Prince Kaunitz entertained toward the cause of Great Britain sentiments nearly approaching to malevolence. He predicted her failure in the contest, and the necessity of ultimately making large concessions; and when states-men publicly indulge in such prophecies, they will rather contribute to the event by their own exertions, than suffer their prescience to fall into discredit. Kaunitz entered into the armed confederacy with almost as much zeal as Catharine herself, and was preparing, by the influence of the Emperor, to make Venice adopt the same measure. His language to the English Ambassador was changed from extreme kindness to a haughty, harsh, morose tone; and on every misfortune which attended the British arms, the renewal of an offer to mediate was accompanied with revilings and taunts againts the proud national spirit which had frustrated former efforts. This alteration of conduct was the more offensive, as the French Ambassador was treated with proportionate confidence, always preferred in audiences, and ostentatiously courted with peculiar homage. * It was said by Mr. Grey in the House of Commons, 2d February, 1801, that before Mr. Fox had been in office four and twenty hours, he offered to yield up the principles of the armed neutrality not so much for the sake of making peace with Holland, as of satisfying all the northern Powers. See Debrett's Debates, p. p. 44, 622, 623, and Woodfall. See also a speech by the Marquis of Lansdown, Debrett, 519. |