prevails, and ever will be, a minority more or less numerous and powerful, according to circumstances. This body, whether liberal or conservative, English or French, Protestant or Romanist, is entitled, in common justice, to protection. At present they are at the mercy of an adverse political opponent, and they have no means of redress. If they appeal to England, the reply is, You have responsible government. If to the queen's representative, he shrugs his shoulders and says: "What can I do?" If to the Council, they are informed that they entirely concur with the Ministry, who have a large majority in their body. Cut off from all redress, and baffled in all their attempts to obtain a hearing, if in the bitterness of their hearts, when they reflect that their forefathers left their homes and their fortunes to follow the flag of their king into a foreign land, and that they themselves have periled their lives and properties in suppressing rebellions in the country of their adoption, without even the thanks of Parliament, when honors and rewards were bestowed on the military for merely doing their duty; if, when goaded into excitement by what they conceive unmerited injury, they talk of annexation and independence, they are told that their language and conduct is treasonable, and are forthwith ejected from their command in the militia, and from the commission of the peace. I am not their advocate, nor do I even assert that their complaints are well or ill founded; it is sufficient that they complain, and abundant secuity can, and ought to be given them, that they shall have all the weight to which they are entitled. One remedy, the most efficient and the best, lies in a total transfer of patronage to other hands, which, while it can not fail to satisfy them, will be an infinite improvement in colonial government, and insure to the community a far better and more respectable class of public offi

cers.

No man whatever ought to be intrusted with the disposal of all the offices in a colony. It is too great a power, too liable to abuse, and never was, and never can be so exercised as to avoid the imputation of partiality or corrupt motives. If it must be committed to any one, it can nowhere be so safely lodged as in the hands of a governor, responsible to the Crown. He is generally a man of rank and honor, and always unembarrassed by family connections, personal feelings, or local prejudices. He can have but one object in view, which, if not founded on the higher

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may

principles of duty, is well secured by a regard for his own character and the success of his administration; and that object is a faithful and honest discharge of the trust reposed in him. But even he be biased by those by whom he is surrounded, who have more facilities of access to him than others; and the purerminded a man is himself, the more difficult is it for him even to suppose the possibility of deception being practiced upon him. But in a country like Canada, whose political leaders are the mere emanations of democracy, it is impossible to select so unfit a depository of power as the premier. He will inevitably use it to pay for past or purchase future services; he has personal friendship to gratify, or private insult to avenge. The exigencies of party will preponderate over the claims of justice, and the character of the public servants must in time be greatly deteriorated. To remedy this evil, to protect the minority, to secure, the people from peculations and the court from pollution, it will be necessary to re-invest the governor with the patronage, subject to the approbation of the Upper House, and place it under similar guards and restraints (by requiring the consent and concurrence of the Council to his nomination to certain offices) as are imposed upon the President of the United States by the admirable institutions of that country, which are so simple in their operation, and yet so safe, from the numerous checks and balIances they contain. That this system of self-government could be so modified as to work advantageously, there can be no doubt; but real substantial responsibility must be both devised and increased. One thing, however, is certain-this change can only be effected by Parliament. The Canadian politicians have tasted the sweets of despotism, and they will not limit or diminish their own power. But here I must pause, and adopting the advice given by Horace* to a friend similarly employed, bring this sketch to a conclusion.

CHAPTER VII.

APPLICATION OF THE FACTS CONTAINED IN THIS WORK.

Value of the preceding History to Members of Parliament and the Republican Party in Europe-The Question considered whether a Republican Govern. ment, like that of America, can exist in England or France: Firstly, with Reference to the History of the first Attempt at Colonization, and herein of the Condition of America at the Time-The People who made the Experiment of Settling at Massachusetts-Their Peculiarities-No pre-existing Monarchy, Hierarchy, or Nobility to contend with-Settlers not a Military People-No Mobs-Monarchy the oldest and most natural form of Government in the World-Laws passed to regulate the Price of Labor-Massachusetts was a Federative Body in Miniature. Secondly, with Reference to the Period of the Adoption of the Federal Constitution, and herein of general Predisposition to Rebellion-Immediate Cause of Revolution-The large Republic possesses all the Features of the first: 1st. The same vast Territoy; 2d. People of one common Origin and Language; 3d. No pre-existing Monarchical Institutions; 4th. No powerful Neighbors; 5th. No Poor; 6th. Important Additions or Changes; 7th. Universal Toleration, in consequence of which there is Danger of Romish Ascendency-Growth of Sectarianism and infinite Dissent-American Episcopalian Church, its Character, Conduct, and Growth-Republicanism favorable to Spread of Popery-The Error of the Jesuits in judging of it-State of Popery in purely Roman Catholic Countries, and where Protestantism prevails-Permanent Provision for President and Judges-High Character of the Supreme Court of the United States-American Mode of selecting Judges recommended for Colonies-Difference in Power of English and American Judges. Thirdly, Reasons why a Republic can not be successful in England -Effects of Monarchy on Society. Fourthly, Reasons why it can not exist in France-Effect of first Revolution in France-Restoration-Return of Nobles, Clergy, and Gentry-Actions of Bonaparte-Final Expulsion of the Bourbons-Louis Phillipe's Conduct-Abdication-"La Petite Eglise"Puritanism and Infidelity compared-They produce similar Effects-Romanism in France and in the United States compared-Extraordinary Influence possessed by the Popish Clergy-Poverty of agricultural Classes in FranceProper Size of Farms-Superiority of two Legislative Chambers over a single Assembly-Downward tendency of Democracy in France-Difference be tween Anglo-Saxon and Gallican Races illustrated by California-Americans could not retain their Institutions if France were evacuated for them, nor could the French, if possessed of America and its Institutions, work the Machinery or govern it successfully-Only sure Basis of any Government.

THE foregoing chapters contain a mass of facts most useful for those who have a voice in the government of the colonies of Great Britain. They portray the history, condition, and fate of provinces planted by disaffected emigrants, in which the Church was una

ble, or neglected, to extend her beneficial influence, and where the State left republicanism to grow up to maturity, and bear the natural fruit of rebellion. At the same time, they show the condition and prospects of Canada, settled by loyalists, distinguished alike for their intelligence and devoted attachment to the Crown, whose affections an unwise concession, hasty and inconsiderate legislation, and a fatal indulgence and patronage bestowed upon democracy, have alienated, without conciliating those whom they were intended to win. They exhibit also the spectacle of an abortive attempt at self-government, in which too much of the monarchical character of the constitution has been destroyed, and too little republicanism introduced into its place to satisfy either party; and consequently annexation or independence are canvassed or advocated with the same shameless insolence with which a less intelligent, but equally restless faction in Dublin was permitted to disseminate treason, under the specious pretext of a repeal of the Union.

To the democratic party in Great Britain and France, they furnish data by which they can test the accuracy of their theory, that that which has succeeded in the United States is equally applicable to them, and would be productive, on trial, of the same beneficial results. I do not propose to discuss at any length, the practicability of their adapting the American constitution to their condition. My object is to collect and arrange the facts, upon which it may be argued by those more immediately interested in it, who from living on the spot where they propose to try the experiment, and being conversant with what is passing before their eyes, are more competent for the task than I can be. An author of great and deserved celebrity says* no American should ever speak of Europe, for he no sooner opens his mouth on the subject, than he betrays his ignorance and presumption. Whether there may not be some little arrogance in the remark, I shall not stop to inquire; but that he can not possibly know as much of Great Britain as an Englishman, or of France as a Frenchman, will be readily conceded. Europeans, on the other hand, have a wider grasp of intellect, infinitely more penetration, and a spirit of patient research, and laborious investigation, that enable them both to speak and write about America with greater ease and less diffidence than the natives. Unable to retain their own transatlantic * De Tocqueville.

possessions, or preserve their respective countries from revolutions, they can nevertheless easily detect the errors of the Americans, and are somewhat alarmed for the fate of a people who are ignorant enough to protect their agriculture and manufactures, and are sufficiently selfish to prefer a commercial system, under which they have grown and flourished, to periling their prosperity by rash innovations, alike opposed to reason and experience! Great Britain has endeavored to instruct them, that a home market is in no way distinguishable from any other, and to prove the sincerity of her conviction, has abandoned to them that of which she had so long the monopoly in her colonies; but they have accepted the proffered boon, and at the same time very quietly retained their own. It is no wonder, therefore, that they are very complacently informed, that they are incompetent to express an opinion upon European subjects. Submitting to authority, I shall not go largely into theories, but rather I shall recapitulate a few facts that lie dispersed through this work, or which I may not have sufficiently detailed, that are very important elements in the consideration of the question, whether such a republic as that of • America, or any thing at all resembling it, can exist either in England or in France.

The subject must be considered with reference to two distant and distinct periods of time: 1st. The early stages of colonization in 1620; 2d. The state of things existing at the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1789.

First. The early stage of colonization.

Under this head we must advert to the condition of the country when a settlement was formed in it, and the character of the people by whom it was attempted. When Massachusetts was first colonized, North America was, with some few insignificant exceptions, a vast unbroken forest, extending from the shores of the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. This immense heritage was divided among wandering tribes of Indians, who lived by the chase or the fisheries, and bartered away, to the emigrants, their freehold for glass beads, worthless trinkets, or intoxicating liquors. The world of wood and water was more than sufficient for both races, and as each successive wave of population advanced, the aborigines receded, preferring the listless repose, or exciting sports of savage life, to the unceasing toil, and daily cares of husbandry. The encroachments of the white man were slow, and almost