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indefinite one, and that an interpretation had been put upon it by many people, that made it almost amount to sovereignty.

To you was intrusted the delicate and difficult task of introducing it into Nova Scotia. Of the independence, judgment, moderation, and manliness, with which this delegated duty was executed, I say nothing, because in all ages, and in all countries, there have been others, beside your Lordship, who could justly lay claim to these qualities. But one thing is most certain, that the late Lord Metcalf and yourself were the only two men, either in the Cabinet or the Colonies, who understood the practical operation of the system; for while you conceded to the provincial Assembly, the entire control of its local affairs, you maintained your own position as the Queen's representative, asserted your rights, as an independent branch of the Legislature, and at the same time upheld the Royal Prerogative. Those Governors wherever situated, who have put a wider and more extended interpretation on the term than yourself, have become mere ciphers; while those, who may wish to follow your example, will find, that unwise concessions have rendered the task both hopeless and thankless.

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THE

ENGLISH IN AMERICA.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

Introduction-Objects and Utility of the Work--No connected Political History of the Colonies to be found-Popular Error as to the Origin of the American Republic-One established at Plymouth in 1620, and another in Massachusetts in 1629, which subsisted for more than fifty Years-Democracy the result both of Design and Necessity-Notice of the early Settlers.

THE early settlements made by the English in America were effected either by individual speculators or associated companies. They were in general situated at a distance from each other, having at first little or no connection, either political, social, or commercial among themselves, and deriving but trifling assistance, and less protection, from the mother country. They grew up into powerful colonies, in neglect and obscurity, with a rapidity and vigor that astonished Europe. They were without precedent in the previous annals of England, and the political agitation of the public mind in the present state, unhappily afforded no opportunity for establishing their relation on a proper foundation, or arranging a consistent and uniform plan for their government. The accounts we have of them, therefore, are detached, and their interest is destroyed for want of continuity. Every plantation has had its annalist, but the narratives are too local, too minute, and too similar in their details to be either interesting or instructive. No attempt has been made to separate the political from the provincial, and the general from the

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prejudices of the English emigrants, and because it wants correlative and congenial institutions, and is deficient in federal strength and central gravitation. Royalty could not be acclimated in the United States, though the experiment were to be tried by a vote of a large majority. It is contrary to the genius of the people, their habits, institutions, and feelings. For these and other reasons, self-government has signally failed in all the republics of the southern hemisphere, though the constitution and example of the United States have been followed as closely as possible. Democracy has at present a feverish and delirious existence in France. It was not the deliberate choice of the nation, but the result of an insurrection. It offered a temporary shelter amid the storms of civil commotion, and was adopted as a harbor of refuge. How long will its neutral character be respected by the irreconcilable parties that distract that unhappy nation?

My desire is, among other objects of this work, to show where and by whom republicanism was introduced into this continent, what its foundations are, how they were laid, and what provision has been made for its support and continuance. Having given a narrative of its origin, growth, and maturity, which can alone be compiled from provincial annals, I shall endeavor to explain briefly the complicated mechanism and simple action of the American federal constitution, and the balances and checks that have been so skillfully contrived by the great statesmen who constructed it; and also to point out the wonderful combination of accidental causes that contributed to its success, and the ability, unity, energy, and practical skill of the people, who work the machine and keep it in order and repair. The question has often been asked why may not this form of government be copied and adopted in England or France? The answer is to be found in every part of this history. It will be necessary most carefully to ascertain whether those things which have tended to its success in America exist, or can by any possibility be created in Europe. Its development must be traced step by step, day by day, from one event to another, and one generation and institution to another. Due weight must be attached to the consideration who and what the people were who founded it, and who and what they are who now live under it, as well as the time and the place selected for the experiment.

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