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indefinite one, and that an interpretation had been put upon it by many people, that made it almost amount to sovereignty.

To you was intrusted the delicate and difficult task of introducing it into Nova Scotia. Of the independence, judgment, moderation, and manliness, with which this delegated duty was executed, I say nothing, because in all ages, and in all countries, there have been others, beside your Lordship, who could justly lay claim to these qualities. But one thing is most certain, that the late Lord Metcalf and yourself were the only two men, either in the Cabinet or the Colonies, who understood the practical operation of the system; for while you conceded to the provincial Assembly, the entire control of its local affairs, you maintained your own position as the Queen's representative, asserted your rights, as an independent branch of the Legislature, and at the same time upheld the Royal Prerogative. Those Governors wherever situated, who have put a wider and more extended interpretation on the term than yourself, have become mere ciphers; while those, who may wish to follow your example, will find, that unwise concessions have rendered the task both hopeless and thankless.

"Sibi quivis

Speret idem, sudet multum, frustraque laboret."

I am, my dear Lord Falkland,

Very sincerely and affectionately,

Yours, always,

NOVA SCOTIA, March 31, 1851.

THE AUTHOR.

THE

ENGLISH IN AMERICA.

BOOK I.

CHAPTER I.

Introduction-Objects and Utility of the Work--No connected Political History of the Colonies to be found-Popular Error as to the Origin of the American Republic-One established at Plymouth in 1620, and another in Massachusetts in 1629, which subsisted for more than fifty Years--Democracy the result both of Design and Necessity-Notice of the early Settlers.

THE early settlements made by the English in America were effected either by individual speculators or associated companies. They were in general situated at a distance from each other, having at first little or no connection, either political, social, or commercial among themselves, and deriving but trifling assistance, and less protection, from the mother country. They grew up into powerful colonies, in neglect and obscurity, with a rapidity and vigor that astonished Europe. They were without precedent in the previous annals of England, and the political agitation of the public mind in the present state, unhappily afforded no opportunity for establishing their relation on a proper foundation, or arranging a consistent and uniform plan for their government. The accounts we have of them, therefore, are detached, and their interest is destroyed for want of continuity. Every plantation has had its annalist, but the narratives are too local, too minute, and too similar in their details to be either interesting or instructive. No attempt has been made to separate the political from the provincial, and the general from the

individual and petty personal history. This, doubtless, is the reason why so little is known of the old colonies previous to the independence, and so little benefit has accrued from past experience, either to Great Britain or her dependencies.

A connected sketch of English "rule and misrule in America," it is hoped, may, to a certain extent, supply the deficiency, while it will correct some popular errors on the subject, and furnish valuable material for reflection, not only to those statesmen to whom our destinies are intrusted, but to those restless politicians who imagine a republican form of government suitable to the inhabitants of every country in the world.

Warned by past failures, the former may learn, ere it be too late, to abstain from making experiments which have long since been tried and condemned; to supply deficiencies which have heretofore cost the nation so dearly, to correct abuses arising from inconsiderate concessions, and to cherish and foster those establishments which in every stage of colonization have been the nurseries of loyalty to the monarch, and attachment to the nation. It will at least convince them that to substitute democratic for monarchical institutions is not the safest or best mode of retaining colonies, or enlisting the sympathy of their inhabitants.

The latter class (revolutionists) are numerous every where. Astonished and dazzled at the extraordinary success that has attended the great American experiment, they merely regard the result, without stopping to investigate the cause, and hastily conclude that that which has worked so well in the United States, and produced so much general prosperity and individual good, is equally applicable to, or attainable by every other people. This is a great and fatal error. A government must not only be suited to the population, but to the country for which it is designed; and the moral and social condition of the one, and the size, the climate, and political and relative position of the other, are of the utmost importance to be thoroughly understood, and maturely considered.

Thus a constitutional monarchy has proved inadequate in Spain to conciliate the affections or restrain the turbulence of the people. Responsible government in Canada has failed in its object, because it is incompatible with imperial control and colonial dependence, is unsuited to the poverty, ignorance, and inactivity of the French Habitants, and the predilections and

prejudices of the English emigrants, and because it wants correlative and congenial institutions, and is deficient in federal strength and central gravitation. Royalty could not be acclimated in the United States, though the experiment were to be tried by a vote of a large majority. It is contrary to the genius of the people, their habits, institutions, and feelings. For these and other reasons, self-government has signally failed in all the republics of the southern hemisphere, though the constitution and example of the United States have been followed as closely as possible. Democracy has at present a feverish and delirious existence in France. It was not the deliberate choice of the nation, but the result of an insurrection. It offered a temporary shelter amid the storms of civil commotion, and was adopted as a harbor of refuge. How long will its neutral character be respected by the irreconcilable parties that distract that unhappy nation?

My desire is, among other objects of this work, to show where and by whom republicanism was introduced into this continent, what its foundations are, how they were laid, and what provision has been made for its support and continuance. Having given a narrative of its origin, growth, and maturity, which can alone be compiled from provincial annals, I shall endeavor to explain briefly the complicated mechanism and simple action of the American federal constitution, and the balances and checks that have been so skillfully contrived by the great statesmen who constructed it; and also to point out the wonderful combination of accidental causes that contributed to its success, and the ability, unity, energy, and practical skill of the people, who work the machine and keep it in order and repair. The question has often been asked why may not this form of government be copied and adopted in England or France? The answer is to be found in every part of this history. It will be necessary most carefully to ascertain whether those things which have tended to its success in America exist, or can by any possibility be created in Europe. Its development must be traced step by step, day by day, from one event to another, and one generation and institution to another. Due weight must be attached to the consideration who and what the people were who founded it, and who and what they are who now live under it, as well as the time and the place selected for the experiment.

We must then judge whether all these circumstances, or the greater part of them, were indispensably necessary to success, and, if so, whether there is any thing analogous in Europe. I shall furnish the facts: let others build their own theories. I enter into no speculations, and, above all, offer no opinions as to the durability of this great republic of the western world, or how it will work when the population shall be proportionally as large as that of Europe. I simply portray it as it is.

Most men believe that the American Republic took its rise in a successful resistance of the provincials to an attempt on the part of Great Britain, in a parliament in which they were not represented, to tax them without their consent, and that resistance led to a revolution, in which they asserted their independence, and finally obtained it in the year 1783.

This is a very natural mistake for those persons to fall into who are not acquainted with their early history, but a republic de facto was first formed at Plymouth, in New England, in 1620, and another far more extensive and flourishing one was erected in Massachusetts, in the years 1628 and 1629, both which subsisted in full force for a period of more than fifty years, without submitting to the power, or acknowledging the authority of the Parent State.

These independent communities founded the institutions, and disseminated the democratic opinions that were subsequently adopted by the continental provinces. The former are, with some small modifications, such as are in existence there at the present day, and the latter are identical with the views of their descendants. The reason that so little is known of the occurrences of this period I have already assigned, but they are essential elements in forming any just estimate of subsequent events, or an accurate opinion of transatlantic affairs. With these commonwealths our narrative must necessarily commence. I shall omit every thing that does not either develop the character or principles of the people, or elucidate the views they entertained of their own supremacy, and their right to the soil, and government of the country of their adoption. I shall pass over also the earlier settlement at Plymouth with only a brief reference, as well on account of the greater growth and importance of Massachusetts, and the influence it always exerted on the neighboring plantations, as to preserve the narrative entire.

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