corporation existing under the laws of the state of California, are hereby authorized to construct a railroad and telegraph line from the Pacific coast, at or near San Francisco, or the navigable waters of the Sacramento river, to the eastern boundary of California."

Substantially the same provision is found for most of the corporations above named, and in all these cases, the authority to construct the road is followed by a provision for aid by the general government.

It might be pertinent to inquire why it became necessary for congress to assume the control of railroads already chartered under state authority. It cannot be claimed that the states acted without authority in granting the charter; nor can the authority of the general government to take from the states the control of railroads within their border, be supported by any grant of power contained in the constitution. On the contrary, the power is reserved to the states, and its exercise is denied to the general government. It cannot be urged that the interests of the people are subserved by this assumption of power; on the contrary, these acts of congress take from the public its rights reserved by the constitution. But one answer can be given, these acts were passed for the promotion of selfish and corrupt ends. In support of this, we need only state the fact, that in almost every instance where congress has attempted to re-charter companies organized under state authority, and granted them aid, members of congress who were members at the date of the passage of the acts, were stockholders, and not unfrequently directors. Some congressmen who have been members for the last ten or twelve years, are stockholders in several of the companies, and at least one member of congress of twelve years standing is now a director in at least three companies that received grants of land, one of them getting large amounts of subsidy bonds, for all of which he voted, and for which, as often as occasion served, he has used his vote and influence in procuring additional privileges. We do not claim that every member of congress is interested in railroads; but we do assert that there are many senators and representatives who are personally interested, and that the proportion is so great that whenever it is desirable to have

legislation it can be obtained without difficulty. To prove that the chartering and endowing of railroad companies is one of the principal occupations of the national legislature, we have only to look through the acts of congress the last two or three sessions. At the first session of the forty-second congress fourteen railroad bills were passed, some of them conferring grants to companies yet in embryo, having no being save upon paper, but presenting "great expectations" to our congressmen, who combine the business of granting charters and building railroads, and who find no indelicacy in becoming stockholders and directors in the corporations to which they, as congressmen, have voted lands and money. Some of these roads, under the acts of congress, present great inducements for investments, and in due time will receive proper attention. The effect of this species of legislation has been most baneful. The national congress, once the most pure and patriotic body in the world, has become the headquarters of all the unscrupulous men of the nation. It is under the control of dishonest and reckless men. Elections to seats in that body have become of such value, that to secure them men do not hesitate to pay more than the salary for the entire term. Nor do candidates always pay their own money. It is often furnished by rings and interests which require special legislation. It is now well understood that senators and representatives are in the market like other commodities. The purchase is made either in large donations of $10,000, $20,000, $30,000, or more from single corporations, or by shares, stock or bonds in companies chartered by congress, and afterwards fostered and protected by congressmen. So common has this practice become that it is not now considered disreputable. What in former years would have been deemed bribery and corruption are now nothing but fair business transactions. We recall a case which illustrates the purity of former legislation compared with what we see in our own day. Some thirty years ago, certain parties desired a charter for a denominational college. A Rev. Mr. Strong was appointed to visit the capital and interest the legislature in behalf of the charter. He was introduced to a Mr. Cushing, to whom he presented his case, and whom he sought to interest in favor of the grant. The

grant of the charter was likely to meet with opposition, and to remove certain objections, Mr. Strong was anxious to have Mr. Cushing examine into the matter fully, and as an inducement for making such an examination he was told that the friends of the measure would compensate him liberally for the time he might spend in such examination. This Mr. Cushing interpreted as an offer to bribe a member of a legislative body, and he felt bound to resist it. Accordingly he laid the matter before the house. That body by unanimous vote, ordered the sergeant-at-arms to arrest Mr. Strong, and bring him to the bar of the house. After an investigation into the truth of the charge, Mr. S. was found guilty and publicly reprimanded by the speaker. This happened before legislators had learned to speculate upon their official position. It was in simple times, when those elected to office supposed their first duty was to serve their country, and when it was an irrecoverable disgrace to receive a bribe. It was at a time when our law-makers had too much self-respect to purchase their election with tens of thousands of dollars, and then reimburse themselves by taking stock in, and dividends from, giant corporations chartered and created by themselves. How is it now? Let the facts answer. Class or personal legislation, for special combinations, or in certain interests, is the rule, and legislation for the benefit of the whole people is the exception to that rule. Congressmen, to secure an election, expend large sums of money, and when elected their first care is to get even. To accomplish their purpose, they resort to unconstitutional legislation, such as granting exclusive privileges or jobs to individuals, for which indirect pecuniary consideration is received. But this alone would not suffice to reimburse them for their great outlay. The greatest source of profit to congressmen has been, and unless it is checked, will continue to be, found in railroad legislation.

CHAPTER X.

AN UNSETTLED ACCCUNT

-A GUILTY DIRECTORY.

W

E now invite the attention of the reader to the account as it now stands with the subsidy bonds voted by congressmen to companies in which many who voted were stockholders and directors.

As the law stood prior to April, 1871, all railroad companies that had received government lands were required to pay the interest once in six months as it accrued. This interest had not been paid, and the secretary of the treasury withheld, to apply on the accrued interest, the amount earned by the different companies by the transportation of the mails, troops, &c., for government. Congress, composed in part of stockholders and directors in these same companies, passed a law ordering the secretary to pay in money to the different companies onehalf of the amount thus earned, and left it optional with the companies to pay, or not to pay the interest on their bonds. This they have not done, and the interest account of these companies with the government stands about as follows:Central Pacific, paid......$ 527,025 Bal. due......$5,841,351 Kansas Pacific,

66

......

973,905

66

995,448 4,779,763

......

826

66

66

......

388,780

Sioux City & Pacific Making the total amount of payments the sum of $3,708,935, and the amount that these companies owe government, as the accrued interest on subsidy bonds, $12,861,640. This is the amount due in July, 1872. Add the interest accruing since that date and these companies owe the government not less than $16,000,000 interest on their bonds. This amount, as well as future interest, and the principal of the bonds was at

one time secured to the government; but when congressmen and their friends get a controlling interest in the companies, they procured the passage of an act, supported by their own votes, which destroyed the security held by the government, and relieved the companies of the payment of this large amount of interest, thereby compelling the people to pay it, while the stockholders, including some of the same congressmen who had voted in favor of the act, received dividends on their stock and on their Credit Mobilier stock to the amount of two and three hundred per cent; thus, by the abuse of the power vested in themselves as members of congress, compelling the people to pay the interest the companies should have paid, and pocketing in the shape of dividends the money so dishonestly obtained. If we needed any further proof to establish the fact that these Pacific railroads were in fact congressional jobs, that members of congress were looking to their own interests rather than to the interests of the people, we need but glance at the interest account of the Sioux City & Pacific company. The excuse pleaded of the "necessities of government," will not avail in this instance. While the interest account of this company is about $400,000, the account for the transportation of troops, mails, &c., over its road, amounts to the sum of $1,642, one-half of which has been applied on the interest account of the company, and the other half, under the act of congress, has been paid by the secretary of the treasury to the company. The conclusion is irresistible, that the personal interest of congressmen, rather than the wants of the public, has controlled their action.

Connect with the incorporation of railroad companies, and special legislation in their favor, the legislation in favor of “Indian rings," "whisky rings," "patent right combinations," and the numerous other kinds of special legislation, with the advantages presented to legislators to make personal gain from all these sources, and we can well understand why men are willing to spend such large sums to secure an election to the United States senate, or house of representatives. The baneful effects of the modern code of political morality are not seen in the legislative department of the government only. The same disregard of the rights of the people, and a determination to protect and