not the fact. My memory extends back, on many subjects, with sufficient clearness, to the year 1778, and from thence to 1788, when the process of forming the Federal Constitution commenced. Particular circumstances, both in Boston and in Andover, the place of my education, combined to make a deep and lasting impression on my mind, in boyhood and youth, of the detestation in which negro slavery was held, and of the universal determination to get rid of every trace of this colonial inheritance. The influence of the clergy, among whom there were, in that day, no "south-side views of slavery," and the increasing intelligence and civilization of the age, placed in strong relief before the people, the incompatibility of that institution with the principles of the American Revolution. So that, before the formation of the Federal Constitution, every negro within the State, with but few if any exceptions, had been emancipated. This was the result of moral principles and feelings. Political it could not have been. It was before political considerations, on this subject, had begun to have influence. The census of 1790, the first under the Constitution, is conclusive on this point. Massachusetts had then the glory, shared by no other State, of returning, "SHE HAD NO SLAVE."

In the Convention of delegates of Massachusetts, in 1788, on the adoption of the Federal Constitution, an antipathy to negro slavery was distinctly manifested. In the gallery of the church in Federal Street, I witnessed the debates of that Convention; and, though a young man, was even then deeply impressed with the difficulties, which the friends of the constitution had to encounter to force down that nauseous drug ;-how it was kept out of sight, not being so much as named in the constitution ;-how, by way of sweetening the dose, representation and taxation were mixed up together. By this, it was pretended to compensate the North, for its loss of political power, by the taxation of slaves in the South. By the effect of this, it was said that "five negro children in South Carolina would pay as much tax as the three Governors of New Hampshire, Massachusetts and Connecticut." Finally, the base concession was justified by the exciting hallucination, that by the passage of the constitution, "slavery would receive its mortal wound and die of a consumption!" At the present day, if it die at all, it will be of a plethora. It cannot be questioned, that the belief that it would put an end to slavery was among the most

powerful causes of the adoption of the constitution in Massachusetts. By the passage of that provision she sold her birthright—equality— for a mess of poisonous pottage. Like Issachar, a strong ass, crouching between two burdens, she saw that rest was good, and the land pleasant, and bowed her shoulders to bear, and became a servant for tribute.' Had a prophetic spirit made known to that convention, that, instead of annihilating, it contained the germ of a policy, which would spread slavery from the Ohio to the Equator;—that its influence would corrupt the spirit of liberty in the free States themselves;-that new States, in countries foreign to the Union, would be admitted into it for the sole purpose of extending the area of slavery ;-that Congress, in defiance of the limitation of the constitution, for this end, would assume to itself political omnipotence;-that compromises would be broken, insult, threat, intimidation and violence resorted to, even in the halls of legislation, in order to make slavery triumphant ;-that the authors of these enormities would be applauded by legislatures and the chiefs of the slave States, and find individuals base enough to countenance and encourage them in the free States ;-the provision of the constitution sanctioning slavery would have been rejected, as a disgrace and a dishonor, without a dissentient.

Such was the state of moral principle and moral feeling among the people of Massachusetts, on the subject of negro slavery, at the time of the adoption of the constitution. Soon after that event, a change in this feeling, began to spread, in the free States, in which, from envy, jealousy, rivalry, ambition and other passions, parties arose, of which the slaveholders had the tact to avail themselves. An alliance was soon formed, between slaveholding aristocrats, and Northern and Middle State democrats, on the basis of compensation and service; the former to ensure pay, place, and promotion, the latter to yield obedience, and blind, unhesitating submission. Under the auspices of this coalition, the most malignant misrepresentations, falsehoods and calumnies were invented and issued from Southern and Middle State presses, countenanced, spread and exaggerated by those of the democracy in the North, against the administrations of Washington and Adams. By these means the friends of both were driven out of power, and the dynasty of slaveholders, under Jefferson, commenced. During this period, two principles came into vogue, the one apparent, but

not avowed; the other avowed and acted upon. The old, approved maxim of early times, in Massachusetts-" Every man for his country, and God for us all,”—was superseded, and a new version practically became predominant,-"Every man for himself, and as to gods, ours are money and power, to be worshiped and secured, at whatever sacrifice." The other maxim avowed and acted upon was, "Every thing is fair in politics," than which there is no more demoralizing principle, in a Republic. It includes perversion and concealment of truth, misrepresentation, calumny, falsehood, insult, abuse, cheating at elections, and every effective principle for the extension of slavery.

I have illustrated, in a recent publication, the manner in which foreign States were admitted into the Union, without the consent of the old States, by an usurpation of power by Congress, so unconstitutional, that Jefferson himself, slaveholder as he was, started back. He warned his partisans that Congress had no such power, that its consequences would be an annihilation of the obligations. of the constitution and make it a dead letter.' Yet, being apprehensive that if the question was submitted to the free States, the opportunity of making slave States in the new territories might be lost, he omitted to apply his veto to the bill for the admission of Louisiana; warning, at the same time, his partisans to do their utmost to keep the consequences of that usurpation concealed from the free States. From this moment the slave States knew that all the limitations in the constitution were annihilated, that Congress was thereafter omnipotent, and the area of slavery might be extended at their will. To this object their policy has, ever since, been unceasingly directed; with what uninterrupted success, history will tell.

It was the mutual interest which resulted from the alliance between slavery and democracy, that at first softened, and, in time, changed, in Massachusetts, the early, inherent detestation of negro slavery. This change did not extend beyond the democratic party. But after the lapse of twenty or thirty years, another element of slaveholders' influence was introduced. In the course of these years, the profits arising from the cultivation of cotton in the Southern States, changed the opinion of the rich planters concerning the evil of slavery, which at first began there to be considered as a good, and then subsequently as a chief good. A like

change, contemporaneously, came over the free States, in certain localities, where cotton-spinning and cotton-weaving began to be a source of wealth, and consequently of political power. This interest acquired strength with time and prosperity, and began to be a predominating influence, about the period the whig party was formed, constituting in truth the chief part of its cement. It was formed out of the broken materials of the old parties, which time and circumstances had dissolved, and was composed of recently fledged politicians, with a mixture of some democrats and some federalists, who joined the new party, not because its principles were to their mind, but because it was the best in the field. It took the name of Whigs, not from any affinity with those of the Revolution, but because the name had a savor of liberty, and thus formed a convenient cover for those whose interests led to the support of slavery; being, in respect of liberty,—" lucus a non lucendo,” a name without the thing. Boston became one of these localities, where the head-quarters of the whigs was established, and of course became identified with the cotton-spinning and cotton-weaving interests. Here, therefore, the interests of the slaveholder were espoused with zeal, under the guise of upholding the constitution of the United States, of which the provision for returning runaway slaves, through the self-deception of interest, began to appear a most important feature.

The next enlargement of the area of slavery, after the establishment of the whig power in Massachusetts, was the annexation of Texas. The slaveholders made no concealment, that their object was to create new slave States; that two would be immediately annexed, and that the territory acquired would afford space for more. A treaty with Texas having that object, having been rejected by the Senate of the United States, Congress at once overrode the treaty-making power, and admitted Texas by the authority of the two branches. The atrocity of this usurpation awakened the sleeping patriotism of the whigs. Under their auspices, a convention was called in Faneuil Hall, in which leading whigs uttered their anathemas against the attempt, denouncing it "a plain violation of the constitution; that its object was to extend the area of slavery and make that institution permanent, declaring that Congress possessed no power to add foreign territory to the Union, except through the medium of the treaty-making

power; that the project was iniquitous, and a deliberate and monstrous machination to secure the unlimited spread of slavery, that scourge and curse of the human race." Resolutions of like temper and tenor passed the whig legislature of Massachusetts. But with this clamor the courage and patriotism of the whigs oozed away. Texas was admitted by Congress by virtue of its own usurped authority. The constitution proved, in the hands of Congress, to be of India rubber materials, and was readily stretched" over Texas. The patriotism of the whigs proved equally elastic. They at once declared, by language and acts, that they were ready to take the Union, however bounded.

This unqualified acquiescence in the policy of slaveholders was an assurance to them that the patriotism of the whigs would stretch as far as the growth of cotton could be extended. On the basis of this encouragement, they immediately put in train a war with Mexico, for the farther extension of the area of slavery. At the first notice of this design, the patriotism of the whigs took fire, and blazed out in flames, crackling with "violated constitutions," "dissolutions of the Union," "perpetuation of slavery," and "the duty of the free States not to submit." In defiance of these wind-guns, war with Mexico was declared. And notwithstanding the air yet resounded with the roar of those mimic thunderbolts, the whigs did submit. A whig Governor of Massachusetts assisted the slaveholders with volunteers. Victories were obtained, and a whig House of Representatives of Massachusetts voted thanks for them to General Taylor, which a remnant of oldfashioned patriotism led the Senate to reject. With these successive displays of whig spirit, the people of Massachusetts, who were not identified with cotton, or democracy, were naturally disgusted.

Similar feelings were excited by the subsequent course of the whigs, under the apparent lead of Daniel Webster. I shall refer to these events with reluctance. No man can have less disposition to diminish the lustre of his name. No one can have a more fixed determination to speak freely and fearlessly truths, important and useful to be known, concerning his public course and character. Mr. Webster was ten years my junior. He entered Congress, from New Hampshire, in 1813; the same year I resigned my seat, after having served, as Representative from the town