a party;—often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the illconcerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, [1] they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the People, and to usurp for themselves the reins of Government; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.—

3

Towards the preservation of your Government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its acknowledged authority, but also, that you resist with care [the] 2 spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts.-One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, [and thus to] undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of Governments, as of other human institutions-that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of a Country-that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion;-and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a Government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of Liberty is indispensable— Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian.-[It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the Society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.]*

I have already intimated to you the danger of Parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on Geographical discriminations.—Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of the Spirit of Party generally.

1 and purposes

4 Owing to you as I do a frank and free disclosure of my heart, I shall not conceal from you the belief I entertain, that your government as at present constituted is far more likely to prove too feeble than too powerful.

This Spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from [our]1 nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the [human] mind. It exists under different shapes in all Governments, more or less stifled, controuled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.-[2]

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism.—But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism.-The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an Individual; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which, nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of Party are sufficient to make it the interest and the duty of a wise People to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the Public Councils and enfeeble the Public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection.-It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access [to the Government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus, the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.] "

1 human

2 In Republics of narrow extent, it is not difficult for those who at any time hold the reins of Power, and command the ordinary public favour, to overturn the established [constitution] in favour of their own aggrandisement. The same thing may likewise be too often accomplished in such Republics, by partial combinations of men, who though not in office, from birth, riches or other sources of distinction, have extraordinary influence and numerous [adherents.]b-By debauching the Military force, by surprising some commanding citadel, or by some other sudden and unforeseen movement the fate of the Republic is decided.—But in Republics of large extent, usurpation can scarcely make its way through these avenues.-The powers and opportunities of resistance of a wide extended and numerous nation, defy the successful efforts of the ordinary Military force, or of any collections which wealth and patronage may call to their aid.-In such Republics, it is safe to assert that the conflicts of popular factions are the chief, if not the only inlets, of usurpation and Tyranny.

3 through the channels of party passions. It frequently subjects the policy

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the Administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the Spirit of Liberty.-This, within certain limits, is probably true -and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party.-But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged.-From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose, and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it.-A fire not to be quenched; it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, [instead of warming, it should]1 consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres; avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another.-The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, [2] whatever [the form of government, a real] despotism.A just estimate of that love of power, and [] proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position.-The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal [against] invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country, and under our own eyes.—To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them.-If, in the opinion of the People, the distribution or modification of the Constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates.-But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the [customary] weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent [7] must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or [transient] benefit which the use [] can at any time yield.—

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Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports.-In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great Pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of our own country to the policy of some foreign country, and even enslaves the will of our Government to the will of some foreign Government. 1 it should not only warm, but

3 forms, a

7 of its use

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5 from

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of the duties of Men and Citizens.-The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them.-A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion.-Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure-reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.—

'Tis substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government.—The rule indeed extends, with more or less force, to every species of Free Government.-Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?—

[Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge.-In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

2

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. -One method of preserving it is to use it as [sparingly] as possible :-avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it-avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by [shunning] occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of Peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your Representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should [co-operate.]-To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue-that to have Revenue there must be taxes-that no taxes can be devised

1 Cultivate industry and frugality, as auxiliaries to good morals and sources of private and public prosperity.-Is there not room to regret that our propensity to expense exceeds our means for it? Is there not more luxury among us and more diffusively, than suits the actual stage of our national progress? Whatever may be the apology for luxury in a country, mature in the Arts which are its ministers, and the cause of national opulence-can it promote the advantage of a young country, almost wholly agricultural, in the infancy of the Arts, and certainly not in the maturity of wealth?

(Over this paragraph in the original a piece of paper is wafered, on which the passage is written as printed in the text.)

2 little

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which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant-that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive, for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations. [1] Cultivate peace and harmony with all.-Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it?—It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a People always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.-Who can doubt that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.-Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that [permanent, inveterate]2 antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another [an]3 habitual hatred or [an] habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interests.—Antipathy in one Nation against another [5] disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.-Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests.-The Nation prompted by ill-will and resentment sometimes impels to War the Government, contrary to [the best] calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the [national] propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject;-at other times, it makes the animosity of the Nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives.-The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

1 and cultivate peace and harmony with all, for in public as well as in private transactions, I am persuaded that honesty will always be found to be the best policy.

2 rooted

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5 begets of course a similar sentiment in that other,

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