be raised, and to appropriate and apply the same-to borrow money, or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting to each state, every half year, the amount so borrowed or emitted to build and equip a navy-to agree on the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each state, for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants of such state, the legislature of each state to appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them, at the expense of the United States. Congress were never to engage in war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, enter into any treaties or alliances, coin money, or regulate its value, ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defense and welfare of the United States, emit bills of credit, borrow or appropriate money, agree upon the number of vessels of war, or the number of land and sea forces, or appoint a commander in chief of the army and navy, unless nine states should assent to the same-nor could a question, on any other point, except adjournment from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in congress. A committee of the states, or any nine of them, were authorized to execute, in the recess of congress, such of the powers of that body, as by the consent of nine states, congress should think expedient to vest them with; but no power was to be delegated to this committee, the exercise of which required the voice of nine states in congress. Every state was to abide by the determination of congress, on all questions submitted to them by the confederation; the union was to be perpetual, nor was any alteration in the articles to be made, unless agreed to, in congress, and afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every state. The articles provided, that Canada, acceding to the confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States, should be admitted into the union; but no other colony, without the consent of nine states.

This plan of union, was to be proposed to the legislatures of all the states, and, if approved, they were advised to authorize their delegates in congress, to ratify the same; this being done, it was to be conclusive.*

* Note 1.

In forming a plan of union, among thirteen states, differing in extent, wealth, and population, as well as in habits, education, and religious opinions, and between some of which serious disputes existed relative to boundaries, unanimity on all questions, was not to be expected.

In discussing its principles, a diversity of sentiment prevailed among the states, on three important points.

First, as to the mode of voting in congress, whether, by states, or according to wealth or population.

Second, as to the rule, by which the expenses of the union, should be apportioned among the states.

Third, relative to the disposition of the vacant and unpatented western lands.

With respect to the first, it was urged by Virginia, that the votes, should be in proportion to the population or wealth of each · state, and not by states, as reported by the committee.

When this part was under the consideration of congress, in October 1777, it was first proposed, as an amendment, that the states of Rhode Island, Delaware, and Georgia, should each have one vote, and all the other states one vote, for every fifty thousand white inhabitants. The states of Virginia and Pennsylvania, (the latter then represented by one member only,) were in favor of this proposition-North Carolina divided, and the other states against it. It was then moved, that each state should send one delegate for every thirty thousand inhabitants, and that each delegate have a vote. On this question, Virginia was in the affirmative, North Carolina divided, and all the other states in the negative.

It was also proposed, that the representatives of each state, be computed by numbers, proportioned according to its contribution of money, or tax levied and paid. The state of Virginia alone, was in favor of this proposition; and on the final question, that the votes should be by states, Virginia was against it, and North Carolina divided.

With respect to the expenses of the union, it was decided, in committee of the whole, that they should be paid by the states,

in proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and quality, (except Indians not paying taxes,) in each state, the number to be taken every three years. As this included slaves, strong objections were made by the states having this species of population, and an alteration was proposed and finally carried, that the expenses of the union, should be borne by the states in proportion to the value of all lands granted to, or surveyed for any person, and the buildings and improvements thereon, to be estimated according to such mode as congress should direct.

The states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut were opposed to this alteration; the states of New York and Pennsylvania divided, and the states of New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, in its favor.

Some of the states were of opinion, that congress should be invested with the power of settling and fixing the limits of such states, as claimed to the Mississippi, or south sea, by virtue of their original charters or grants, and that the lands beyond such limits, should enure to the benefit of the United States. An amendment was, therefore, proposed, that congress should have the sole and exclusive power, to ascertain and fix the western boundary of such states, as claimed to the south sea, and to dispose of all lands beyond such boundary, for the benefit of the union. • This being negatived, the proposition was varied, providing that congress should fix the western bounds of each state, and lay out the lands beyond such bounds into new states.

Maryland voted for this amendment, New Jersey was divided, and the other states were against it. The following circular letter to the states accompanied this system.

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Congress having agreed upon a plan of confederacy for securing the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of the United States, authentic copies are now transmitted for the consideration of the respective legislatures. The business, equally intricate and important, has in its progress been attended with uncommon embarrassments and delay, which the most anxious solicitude and persevering diligence could not prevent.

"To form a permanent union, accommodated to the opinion and wishes of the delegates of so many states, differing in habits, produce, commerce, and internal police, was found to be a work which nothing but time and reflection, conspiring with a dispo sition to conciliate, could mature and accomplish. Hardly is it to be expected that any plan, in the variety of provisions essential to our union, should exactly correspond with the maxims and political views of every particular state. Let it be remarked, that after the most careful inquiry, and the fullest information, this is proposed as the best which could be adapted to the circumstances of all, and as that alone which affords any tolerable prospect of general ratification. Permit us then earnestly to recommend these articles to the immediate and dispassionate attention of the legislatures of the respective states. Let them be candidly reviewed under a sense of the difficulty of combining in one general system the various sentiments and interests of a continent divided into so many sovereign and independent communities, under a conviction of the absolute necessity of uniting all our councils and all our strength to maintain and defend our common liberties. Let them be examined with a liberality becoming brethren and fellow citizens surrounded by the same imminent dangers, contending for the same illustrious prize, and deeply interested in being forever bound and connected together by ties the most intimate and indissoluble.

"And finally, let them be adjusted with the temper and magnanimity of wise and patriotic legislators, who, while they are concerned for the prosperity of their own more immediate circle, are capable of rising superior to local attachments when they may be incompatible with the safety, happiness and glory of the general confederacy.

pre

"We have reason to regret the time which has elapsed in paring this plan for consideration. With additional solicitude we look forward to that which must be necessarily spent before it can be ratified. Every motive loudly calls upon us to hasten its conclusion.

"More than any other consideration, it will confound our foreign enemies, defeat the flagitious practices of the disaffected, strengthen and confirm our friends, support our public credit, restore the value of our money, enable us to maintain our fleets and armies, and add weight and respect to our councils at home, and to our treaties abroad.

"In short, this salutary measure can no longer be deferred. It seems essential to our very existence as a free people; and without it, we may soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, to liberty, and safety; blessings which, from the justice of our cause and the favor of our Almighty Creator, visibly manifested in our protection, we have reason to expect, if, in an humble dependence on his divine providence, we strenuously exert the means which are placed in our power. To conclude, if the legislature of any state shall not be assembled, congress recommend to the executive authority to convene it without delay; and to each respective legislature, it is recommended to invest its delegates with competent powers ultimately, in the name and behalf of the state, to subscribe articles of confederation and perpetual union of the United States, and to attend congress for that purpose, on or before the 10th day of March, 1778."

The plan was considered by the legislatures of the several states, in the winter of 1778, and by some was adopted without amendments, by others, various amendments were proposed.

In June 1778, the delegates from the several states, in congress, were called upon for their instructions, on this important subject. New Hampshire, New York, Virginia and North Carolina, had adopted the plan, without amendments; but some material alterations were proposed by the others; all the states however, except New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland, had instructed their delegates to ratify the articles, even if the amendments proposed by them, should be rejected by congress.

These various amendments shew the views of the states, at that period, on the new and important subject of a confederacy. One of the principal objections of Maryland, as well as some of the other states, was, that the western lands were not secured