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These terms were submitted to by the Narraganset Indians on the 30th of August, 1645. How far the united Colonies were justifiable in the whole of this their conduct, toward a free and independant prince and people, who lived quite without the jurisdiction of any of their governments, and who had never been enemies, but always friends and allies to them, must be left to civilians to determine. Be that as it will, it is certain, these things greatly alienated the minds of the Indians from the English, and filled them with prejudices that could never afterwards be removed. And this will, in some measure, account for their obstinate refusal to receive or hear any of the ministers and missionaries that came from these colonies, as we are told by historians they constantly did; for these Indians seem to have thought no good could possibly be intended for them, by the people from whom, as they imagined, they had received so great injuries. That this was the cause, and not any aversion to the Christian religion, as has been commonly represented, is evident from their willingness to hear Mr. Williams, who for many years, went to Narraganset, once a month, to preach Christianity to them.*

(1) See Hazard's "Historical collections," II. 40–44.

(2) Compare Ellis's "The red man and the white man," p. 330-31. (3) See Knowles's "Roger Williams," p. 327.

(4)"To be continued," is the entry which follows this instalment of the history, in the Providence Gazette of March 30, 1765. No farther continuation of it appears, however, and the probability is that no more was ever furnished to the printer.

Being thus interrupted in the completion of the work, Governor Hopkins, many years later, placed his materials in the hands of Theodore Foster, to be used for a similar purpose by him.

The only other reprint of the above is that of the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1832, without notes. ("Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society,” 2d series, IX. 166–203). That Society's courteous approval of the present reprint, as proposed, should here be acknowledged.

MATERIALS FOR A HISTORY OF RHODE ISLAND.'

COLLECTED BY THEODORE FOSTER.

It was a principal object of the founders of the state, and much on their hearts, as expressed in their charter, granted by King Charles II., so long ago as July 8, 1663, "to hold forth a livelie experiment, that a most flourishing civill state may stand and best bee maintained, (and that among our English subjects),* with a full libertie in religious concernements."

This was a system of [illegible] then new and untried in the world, but was adopted twenty years' afterwards by the famous Penn, in his constitution of Pennsylvania; and is now in effect all over our great and growing empire," by the national constitution, which provides that "No religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust

(1) From the Foster Papers, IX. 1-9. This portion was probably written in this form so early as 1820. It does not appear to have been revised, and was left thus at Mr. Foster's death in 1828.

(2) A few sentences precede this which are not essential to the narrative. Stars *** will in general be employed to indicate omissions of this kind. Brackets [] will be used to enclose the passages cited from Bentley, Winthrop, Callender, etc.

(3) Printed in the "Records of the colony of Rhode Island," II. 1–21. (4) The parentheses are not in the original.

(5) R. I. Col. Records, II. 4-5. The earlier use of this language has been traced to John Clarke. (R. I. Col. Records, I. 488.) See also p. 54 of this volume.

(6) See appendix II.

(7) "Frame of government," of Pennsylvania, May 5, 1682, Laws, Section 35. (8) Printed in the "Federal and state constitutions," II. 1526.

(9) This introductory fragment was perhaps written out as late as 1820.

under the United States." As this state was first settled by emigrants principally from Massachusetts, and [as] the histories of the other New England states detail the most important events preliminary to their settlement, I therefore pass them by, and begin with those which were the immediate cause of the settlement of this state. Most of the first settlers of Massachusetts were those called Puritans, or such as there sought a purer church [illegible] and a further reform from popery than were provided for by the parliamentary establishment in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. They ["generally had lived in the communion of the Church of England"].* A number of

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this description, influenced by the success of the colony of Plymouth, but a little more rigid in their ideas of church government than the people of Plymouth, obtained an ample charter from King Charles I., dated March 4, 1628–9,5 for establishing a colony in Massachusetts, and on the 29th of August, at Cambridge in England an agreement" was signed,'

"to

(1)Constitution of the United States, Article 6, section 3. (2) One of the earliest of these histories, (though not put in print until 1815, as volumes 4 and 5 of the 2d series of the Massachusetts Historical Society Collections), was Rev. William Hubbard's "General history of New England," written between 1680 and 1704. It is perhaps entirely safe to speak of it as characterized in many particulars by violent prejudices as well as looseness of statement, (See note by Savage, in Winthrop's Journal, I. 297); and his reference to Rhode Island is among the instances. Of that colony he writes: "Bona terra. Mala gens." ("General history," II. 350). It is not a little curious, in view of this decided opinion of his, that Senator Foster should have been one of his descendants, (in the 5th generation). Mr. Hubbard was mercifully spared, no doubt, so unwelcome an intimation as this, or that descendants of his own would be born on Rhode Island soil.

(3) The original distinction between this settlement and that of the Plymouth pilgrims is considered by Mr. Brigham, in his lecture on "The colony of New Plymouth, and its relations to Massachusetts." (Lowell Institute lectures," p. 179–80).

(4) CALLENDER, p. 68.

(5) Printed in Mass. Col. Records, I. 1-20.

(6) Printed in Young's "Chronicles of Massachusetts Bay," p. 281-82.

(7) Here follow in the manuscript the names of the signers. Among them was William Pynchon, an ancestor of Senator Foster, himself. Mr. Pynchon's

embark for the said plantation by the first of March next,""to inhabit and continue in New-England: Provided always, that before the last of September next, the whole government, together with the patent for the said Plantation, be first, by' an order of Court, legally transferred,' and established to remain with us and others which shall inhabit upon the said plantation." And on the 20th of October, 1629, a new choice was 'made of governor, &c., consisting of such persons as had determined to to go out with the patent ;-John Winthrop was then elected governor. [They] made effectual settlement at Charlestown, Watertown, Dorchester, Boston, &c., which increased and prospered, notwithstanding the difficulties and hardships they had to encounter. Mr. Callender

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observes that "perhaps they were afraid of provoking the higher powers at home if they countenanced other sects, and perhaps those who differed from them took the more freedom in venting and pressing their peculiar opinions, from the safety and protection they expected, under a charter that had granted liberty of conscience." In confirmation of this, it may be added that, in a letter from the governor and company after they had embarked for New England, dated "From Yarmouth, aboard

manuscript "catechism," a most curious relic, is preserved in the Foster Papers, XII. 1. A record of the Pynchon family is also in the Foster Papers. (1)This significant "transfer" is examined by Charles Deane, in his chapter on "The charter," in the "Memorial history of Boston," I. 329–30. (2) Here follow in manuscript the names of the "assistants elected." (3) In his "Century sermon," reprinted as volume 4 of the "Collections of the Rhode Island Historical Society."

(4) Callender, p. 69-70. Mr. Callender's conjecture may be correct. Per contra, the Quakers would appear to have taken a different view of the matter. A letter dated Oct.13, 1657, sent by the president and assistants of the Rhode Island colony, to the commissioners of the United Colonies, humorously remarks concerning the Quakers, that "they begin to loath this place, for that they are not opposed by the civil authority." (R. I. Col. Records, I. 377). Compare Winthrop's Journal, I. 340. The "witty man" here mentioned by Savage would appear to be President Benedict Arnold, judging from his language in 1657.

(5) Printed in Young's "Chronicles of Massachusetts Bay," p. 295-98.

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