cans. That the Americans have in a glorious manner defended their rights, purchased immortality, etc., etc., all which I consider as making nothing to his purpose, but weakening in fact what he had before asserted. But if he has produced anything that may merit the appellation of arguments in this case, I imagine it must be the following:- "That a fixed doom is the only just foundation of despair, and that this is not the case with America.”—"That an inviolable attachment to our duty, and incessant remonstrances to the throne, will give us redress from all our present grievances."—"That we can cease to use British manufactures, and compel Britain to a compliance."-"That we reap great advantages from her, and are indebted to her for protection."-That it would be our ruin, if it was in our power, to break her connections." And lastly: "That an attempt to resist her would be to the last degree chimerical and frantic, and in which we cannot possibly succeed." These I think contain everything in the performance that can be imagined argumentative.

As to the first, "That a fixed doom is the only just foundation of despair, and that this is not yet our case.' I would beg leave to ask the gentleman what ideas he has connected with the words "fixed doom?" The British Parliament have more than once asserted in the strongest terms, their jurisdiction over the colonies in the affair of taxation; and have given us the most convincing proofs that they were in earnest, by enacting those execrable laws relative to stamps, paper, glass, etc. The ministry have put these laws into execution, in their utmost rigor, when it was in their power. They have sent ships of war, and no inconsiderable armament, to enforce obedience, which have disturbed our peaceful trade, almost beggared the greater part of our merchants, drained our country of cash, and subjected this vast continent to the cruel illiberal insults of a few imperious crown officers whose tender mercies are cruelty. The king has approved the conduct of his Parliament and ministry, and thanked them publicly for their signal services; and all this with our most dutiful remonstrances and prayers in his

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Nay, the last intelligence from England to be relied on, informs us that the Parliament will never give up their rights of taxation, that is, their right of enslaving their fellow subjects in America. And yet our "doom is not fixed!" But if it is not, we need never for the future dread slavery or tyrany, from any quarter. But he says, "We must remonstrate, and incessantly petition the throne for redress." What in this respect could have been done that we have left undone? Our prayers have not only been repeated, but have breathed the spirit of loyalty and affection to his Majesty and goverment. They have been the united voice of millions of distressed, injured, innocent people. But what have they availed us? Nay, have we not been severely punished for praying? And that too, when our prayers have not only been materially but formally good. After all this, what has reason to hope for, from this quarter? Nothing. Surely we are hopeless, degenerate slaves. And nothing remains but that we avail ourselves of those advantages with which nature has furnished us, and boldly vindicate our liberty, or lose our lives in the glorious cause. But he has hinted at a method of compelling Great Britain into an compliance, by stopping all importation, and living as much as possible independent of them. So after all his noise and parade, we are happily agroed, and are pleading for precisely the same thing; for I have not intimated, nor indeed conceived, the least desire of shedding their blood, or of hazarding the shedding of ours. Far be it from me, or any of the advocates of my cause, to desire this of even the first cruel projectors, or the malicious executors, of those infernal plans. We choose to leave them to meet their deserts at the hand of Him who hears, and who will redress the groans of the oppressed.

The next thing he has urged has the greatest appearance of argument of anything hitherto mentioned, and is, "That we are imdebted to her for protection; that we have received innumerable favors from her, and cannot possibly subsist without her." If all this was fact, I should think it worthy serious consideration; but I imagine it is much easier to assert

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than to prove. What child in New England does not know, that about a century and a half ago, our venerable ancestors, persecuted for religion in their native land, fled for refuge to the more hospitable wilds of America; and unassisted, unsupported by Britain, felt by turns the extremities of hunger, cold, and Indian barbarity, until by their valor, and the kind interposition of heaven, they settled themselves in a peaceful habitation in this new found world. An inheritance which they bequeathed to their posterity, they to us, and we shall again transmit to ours, if we are but followers of them, who are translated to a better country. How little protection Old England afforded to, and with what almost entire neglect she treated those infant plantations, the annals of New England sufficiently prove; until she found that by affording us protection, she could be amply repaid. This she rationally expected, and has long since found verified, by the amazing increase of her trade.. It may without an hyperbole be asserted, that it is in a great measure owing to America, that the British navy rides mistress of the main, which, before the plantation of these colonies was not only inconsiderable, but despicable in the eyes of Europe. And had they failed here, the prospect of having millions of faithful slaves in America to fill their coffers with treasure, might justly be esteemed an ample compensation for their assistance. And this from her late conduct, if Britons are uniform, seems to have been in her view.

That we are absolutely dependent on England for existence has never yet been sufficiently proved to me; for if a few thousands, who first planted this country, under the care and protection of heaven, could sustain all the fierce attacks of unnumbered tribes of barbarians, instigated and aided by the power of France, what may not the vastly augmented numbers of its present inhabitants be supposed able to achieve? As to any injury which our trade could receive by this measure, it would be impossible, we need not fear being worsted. Should Britain shut her ports against us, it does not follow that Holland, France, Spain and Portugal would. On the contrary,

they would welcome us as their customers, and allow us to make the advantages of our markets, of which we are now totally deprived. And who would not rather feed at a stranger's than a mother's table, provided they could find better fare and kinder treatment?

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Now the last of all, the most formidable argument, comes thundering in with the roar of cannon, cries of slaughter, and all the dire images that a poetic imagination can portray. But however noisy and terrific, I will venture near and give it a candid examination. It is this :-If independent of foreign aid, could resist Great Britain with success, this our success would prove our certain ruin; our trading towns would be laid in ashes by one volley from a British squadron; we should be utterly impoverished by maintaining a large standing army; our hands would be taken from the tillage of land; and we should be driven back into the wilderness to seek shelter, obliged to relinquish all literary pursuits, with many more conceits too chimerical to mention. What I have already said, sufficiently confutes the most forcible part of this argument. None, however, will deny, but that our seaport towns may with ease be reduced by the British navy; and let them be destroyed if they can find their account in it. Nay, I could with pleasure behold the scene, rather than see them stand as the dear chase of American freedom. As to a standing army, all America would compose it. Like the first founders of Rome, we should all be soldiers, and if this would not suffice to guard us against our foes, the sons of liberty from Britain's isle, nay Corsica's would come in rafts across the wide Atlantic to our aid; for thousands there are now convinced that America is the only spot on this globe that can with propriety be called free.

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The objection against the tillage of the earth for subsistence seems to militate directly against the wisdom of the Creator, who planted a garden for innocent man, ordered him to dress it, and subsist on the fruits thereof. And wise and virtu

ous men in all ages, have been lavish in their praises of this kind of life; and that with reason, for its simplicity, and freedom from temptations to vice. Amidst his vagaries and zeal for tyranny he would feign persuade us that it is the proper nursing of literature, the very reverse of which is abundantly evident from reason and fact.

Thus have I followed my antagonist through his labored performance, weighed it in the balance, and found it wanting. And now, my countrymen, let me, as a friend to American Liberty, stand forth and exhort you to be fast and immovable in defence of your rights. Let not the menaces of a British Parliament, in the least affright, nor their fair promises deceive you, into any base compliances. Latet anguis in herba. Their evident design is to make us slaves. They are wresting our money from us without our consent. Do not be charmed by the fascinating sounds, Parent-State, Mother-Country, Indulgent-Parent, etc. You are convinced that these are mere words, of course, without ideas, and might as well be adopted by Normandy, Saxony, Denmark, and Sweden, as by Britain, when they are used to reconcile us to slavery, for none will deny that we derive our pedigree from them.

Their menaces might terrify and subjugate servile, timid Asiatics, who peaceably prostrate their necks to be trampled on by every bold usurper. But my auditors, you have not so learned the principles of liberty. You know liberty is our birthright, and if this is taken away, we may in part adopt the language of Micah, "What have we more?" Besides, how unreasonable is it, that this wide extended continent, formed by nature for a kingdom of its own, should pay homage to the diminutive island of Britain, but a mere speck upon this huge globe? I have, as before observed, no aversion to a friendly alliance, a close union with Britain, provided we could enjoy that liberty wherewith God has made us free. But to purchase their friendship at so dear a rate as owning them our master, is worse than madness; it is patricide. How could we answer it to the manes of our ancestors, should those venerable

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