ing. Upwards of eleven hundred Loyalists retired in a body with the royal army, at the evacuation of Boston in 1776. Among these were many persons of distinguished rank and consideration. Of members of the council, commissioners, officers of the customs, and other officials, there were one hundred and two; of clergymen, eighteen; of inhabitants of the neighboring towns and villages, one hundred and five; of merchants and wealthy men who resided in Boston, two hundred and thirteen. New York was especially a disloyal state. Documents, says Sabine, are extant to show, that in 1776, no less than twelve hundred and ninety-three persons acknowledged allegiance to, and professed themselves to be dutiful and well affected subjects of the King, in the single county of Queens.' So of Virginia, and other colonies in the beginning: On the other hand the people, so to speak, the laboring classes, the yeomanry of the land, were generally opposed to taxation, and prepared, like Patrick Henry, to resist encroachments upon their rights and privileges. The Baptists, of whom the "Opponent" in this Discussion was one, were, it is well known, as a denomination, almost a unit in favoring Independence, and in fighting or otherwise for their liberties. Among the thirty-two hundred biographies in the work to which I have already referred, only one Baptist, says Dr. Cathcart, can be found, and he was a clergyman, from Wales, who came to this country in the year 1761, and settled in Philadelphia. (Rev. Morgan Edwards.)

(1) At the evacuation of the City of New York in November, 1783, upwards of 30,000 loyalists, it is said, left with the British army.

EXERCISES OF THE FIRST CLASS OF RHODE ISLAND COLLEGE, PERFORMED AT WARREN, SEPTEMBER 7, 1769.

DISPUTATIO FORENSICA.

JAMES MITCHEL VARNUM,

Respondent.

WILLIAM WILLIAMS,

Opponent.

"WHETHER BRITISH AMERICA CAN UNDER HER PRESENT

CIRCUMSTANCES CONSISTENT WITH GOOD POLICY, AFFECT
TO BECOME AN INDEPENDENT STATE."

RESPONDENT.

True patriotism is undoubtedly one of the noblest virtues that ever inspired the human breast. There is something so. grand in its nature, so beneficial in its effects, that even the most despotic themselves are obliged to admire, though with horror and reluctance. It fires the mind with an unshaken resolution, to promote the supreme good of society, notwithstanding private interest may be sacrificed in the effort. It is far from being the sudden blaze of an intemperate zeal, neither is it the enthusiastic flight of political craft, but that uniform deliberative principle, which excites us maturely to survey all the circumstances of our country;-to consider which of them is or probably may be an obstruction to its growth or future prosperity ;to examine thoroughly the source from whence this calamity results; and to persevere with unremitted activity and prudence, in the use of those means which will ensure success, both in disappointing the mischievous designs of its enemies, and in the security of its peace and tranquility upon a basis the most permanent and immovable. In short, the true patriot is warmed with every social virtue.

Such of late has been the situation of our own native land, that ample scope has been afforded for the exercise of this principle; and to the immortal honor of North America, it has been exerted in a most glorious manner. But as the powerful influences of the solar rays are often diminished and greatly obstructed by aqueous particles in our atmosphere, so our rational remonstrances and powerful rhetoric, have been by the baleful influence of state ministers, counteracted and hitherto rendered abortive. But what may be our approaching destiny cannot be determined by human wisdom. However, as a fixed doom is the only just foundation of despair, we can in no wise consider our case as desperate; nay, we have the highest reason to expect redress, while we demonstrate by our conduct the most sacred regard for our privileges and firm attachment to our duty. Suffer me therefore, my benevolent auditors, to court your indulgence and candor, while I freely inquire, whether British America can, under her present circumstances, consistent with good policy, effect to become an independent An inquiry of so much importance as this, needs no apology for its introduction, especially as our own private interests, the good of our country, and the fate of posterity, are all comprised in it.

.state.

Had British America been left to the peaceful enjoyment of those privileges, which it could boast of in former reigns, the most romantic genius, in its wildest excursions, had not dreamt of independence. But the late alarming attacks of the parent state upon American freedom, by thrusting in that tripleheaded Corberus of a Stamp Act, suspension of legislation in the provinces, and the imposition of duties on paper, glass, etc., has, with justice, roused the advocates of American liberty to the most vigorous exertions in defence of our rights; amongst whom, not a few will transmit their names, with growing honor, down the long tract of future time to latest posterity, every generation rising up and calling them blessed. But some less cautious and too soon discouraged, have rashly recommended an opposition, vi et armis, and an affectation of independence in

the colonies-a thought so shocking, that I tremble in relating it! A design, the prosecution of which, I think myself able to demonstrate, at once would be the most preposterous policy, and productive of the most injurious consequences.

With regard to this imposition of duties, it must be esteemed as taxation without our consent, and consequently a burden; very unnatural treatment from a parent, whom we exerted our utmost efforts to honor and obey! But let us inquire whether there is so much horror in this circumstance, as people are apt to imagine! All manner of taxation, say they, without our consent by ourselves or representatives, is an essential violation of the British Constitution, and therefore inconsistent with our rights as freemen. I fully grant it, and cordially wish that every American was sufficiently impressed with a just sense of it. But we are taxed without our consent, and consequently we are abject slaves to all intents and purposes. Wherefore, rouse! Resist! Conquer!

But stop, and for a moment pause. We are not slaves. In order to this, they must not only impose duties on a number of articles, but oblige us to purchase those articles. This they have not done, neither can they. It is true we are prohibited from purchasing them of other nations, but that by no means amounts to an absolute obligation to receive them from Britain. For there is not a single article restricted in this sort, but what we can manufacture in our own country, or do as well without. We have without dispute, a large quantity of raw materials, and can produce more. And as to our skill and manufacture, it is far from being contemptible, considering the short time of our application thereto. But from the late progress in different branches we may rationally expect improvements, which in the course of a few years will do honor to America. What then is the intolerable burden under which we labor? Truly we are obliged to prosecute industry and frugality. This is a burden indeed, but only to the indolent and lazy patricide. Every skillful politician esteems industry the glory of his country. How can this be applied to better advan

tage, under our present situation, than to the manufacturing of those articles, which have for the most part, through bad policy, been imported from Europe? This would secure among ourselves an immense quantity of cash, which otherwise must cross the Atlantic, and more effectually enable Great Britain to prosecute those oppressive measures, which deservedly merit our utmost detestation. This would secure the balance of trade in our favor; a consideration essentially necessary to the growth and prosperity of America, and consequently it must be the grand object in the view of every one who is a friend to his country. From all which we may infer, that under the auspicious smiles of heaven, America will soon shine with redoubled splendor.

But some will probably object, that the author of this innovation, intended it as a precedent on which to establish further encroachments; for if Great Britain has a right to impose a penny, she has a pound, and so on as much as she pleases; therefore if we only submit to the first, we virtually give up all right to freedom. I answer, in the present inquiry, we are not concerned about futurity, or what may or may not be good policy hereafter, but whether in our present circumstances, to affect independence is consistent with good policy? Should it ever be our unhappy case, that we can no longer command our own property, but have it at the sole disposal of despotic rulers, then it will be time to resist, and for this reason, that death itself is the last refuge from abject slavery.

We have yet other sources to which we may resort for redress. We are indisputably favored with an excellent Prince, who, ever since his accession to the throne, has discovered the most tender regard for his numerous subjects. We have learned and powerful advocates in both Houses of Parliament, the thunder of whose eloquence has often stunned and silenced those venal sons of slavery, who pay their homage at ministerial shrines, and venerate no other God but gain. It is also equally certain that the popular clamor at home is in our favor, and the influence of the merchants is engaged in our cause. These are