tion of Massachusetts. Gorton, who had ample opportunity to study their characters, says that they were mere cattle thieves." Their whole conduct proves that they were ready tools, at the service of any one who would pay their price. The first fruit of their intrigues with Massachusetts was her endeavour to oust Gorton from his purchase. The effect was two fold. Canonicus and the more honourable Sachems, who equally appreciated and feared the boldness and the power of Massachusetts, and who knew that she would shrink from no measures to attain her ends—made haste to place themselves and their territory under the protection of the English crown. The lower and baser Indians saw in the weakness of Mooshassuc and Warwick an opportunity for robbery and insult, and believed that Massachusetts would abet or protect them in their outrages upon the Plantations. The appeal of Chad Brown, and the chief citizens of Providence-no admirers of Gorton-to the government of Massachusetts, is as bold in tone as its authors judged to be prudent. Its suppressed indignation manifests a deep sense of the danger thus recklessly brought upon a whole community, and exhibits the result of the aggression in the light of Christian morals. Their apprehensions were justified by events., The insolence of the Indians, and their depreda

4

(1) See Callender's Hist. Discourse, p. 90, (Elton's ed.), R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., v. 4.

(2) See Gorton's 2d letter, Winslow's "Hypocrisie unmasked,” p. 32. (3) August 19, 1644, R. I. Col. Records, I. 134-36. See also Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d series, I. 11, Randall Holden's letter to the government of Massachusetts, Sept. 15, 1643. The Indians thought they would be upheld by Massachusetts in their crimes against Rhode Island men. (4) Staples's Gorton, R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II. 105.

(5) The Indians believed that Massachusetts would not be displeased with the destruction of Warwick. Some people of "the Bay" encouraged the Indians against Gorton and told them that the Gortonians were not Englishmen. (See Staples's Gorton, pp. 153, 263, 267-68; also Randall Holden's letter to government of Massachusetts, Sept. 15, 1643, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d series, I. 11).

The Indians boasted that they would be upheld by Massachusetts in robbery and outrages against the settlers. The local Sachems who had been hitherto friendly now began to prove the value of their good words.

tions upon the English settlers, exceeded all former example. They were now first aware that the Plantations had no friends. Their attitude became reserved and threatening. After 1643 there is little farther mention of the "love" which Williams fancied that the Indians bore him when they sold Mooshassue and Acquetneck. Thenceforth they are chiefly the authors of depredations and insults, which neither the colony nor its towns could prevent or punish. Their policy of conciliation was not more successful. The greater the deference shown to the Indians, the more exacting and arrogant they became.

To moderate the greed and passion of the lower Indians, there were now only the moral influence of Williams, and the authority of the great Sachem Canonicus. The seizure of Warwick, and the new light which he had gained respecting the weakness of his neighbours, did not move him to break the faith which he had pledged to them. He might have done it with impunity and with profit. The Boston theologians who had found reasons wherewith to satisfy the consciences of the magistrates, with the death of Miantonomo, could have found equally good ones to justify Canonicus in the repudiation of the grants to misbelievers, such as Williams and Gorton.' But against all hopes of favour or of money, the old barbarian kept his word. To the last, he restrained the inferior Sachems, who were too much in awe of him to withhold their accustomed obedience. During the brief remainder of his days, the quiet of Providence was undisturbed. The people knew that they were secure SO long as his life lasted. Beyond it, they looked with gloomy forebodings, for the evil to come.

They had not long to wait. On a June day in 1647, the last real king of the Narragansetts was laid to rest. He was

"The Massachusets did maintain Pumham (a petty Sachem in this Province) twenty years against this colony and against his own chief Sachim;"-old Canonicus. Hutchinson's Coll., p. 415, reprinted in Prince Soc. ed,, II. 143.

(1)Savage's Winthrop," II. 158, 1643. "Five of the most judicious [Boston] elders" advised that Miantonomo be put to death.

buried with all the state of the Narragansett ritual, and was probably (as he had requested) wrapped in a shroud from Mr. Williams's trading-house. It was the end of his "free gifts." The funeral honours of old Canonicus, Williams, who was probably a spectator, likens to those of Governor Winthrop. It was the last great assemblage of the Narragansetts. None of his successors commanded the same respect, either in life or death. Had any of them possessed their ancestor's forecast and self control, it is not probable that they could have long protracted the national existence of their people. But they might have saved it from the suffering of its latter days, and guided it to a peaceful and honorable close. No trustworthy tradition marks the old Sachem's grave. If it were known, it would be worthy of a monument commemorative of his faithful service. He shares with Sir Henry Vane, the claim to be esteemed the best friend of the colony in its early days, and should receive something of the regard which has been bestowed upon the barbaric passion and folly of Philip of Mount Hope.

Even before his death, the colonial legislature foresaw the beginning of a new régime. No coming Sachem could command the respect which had been possessed by Canonicus and Miantonomo. Their successors were fit only for a mere local ascendancy. No one of their kindred maintained an authority over the whole tribe. The inferior Sachems were of the class which the old chief despised, while he was forced to employ them. One of the earliest duties of the united towns was preparation for the dangers of the future. The early planters of Providence and Newport were sufficiently combative, and took measures for the public defence. They were familiar with the use of arms, which was one of the ancient rights of the English people. The Antinomians of Boston had furnished some of its chief military men. The disarming of their leaders (1637) bears testimony to the apprehensions awakened by the military qualities of some of them. Many of the purchasers (1) Hubbard's "General history," 2d series, Mass. Hist Soc. Coll., V. 298, "Divers of the chief military officers of Boston had been favorers of the

of Acquetneck had been followers of Mrs. Hutchinson. Some of the settlers of Providence-as Gregory Dexter, etc.,-had seen military service.' Among the early cares of the townsmen was the formation of such companies, armed with pike and gun, as their narrow means would permit. The year of their organization under the first charter (1647) was a time of public distress, both from within and from without. Massachusetts would sell them no powder, and the Indians were menacing and contemptuous. The chapter on "Archery" in the Code of 1647, is an admirable exhibition of courage and spirit under difficulties. Every one of military age was to be the possessor of bow and arrows, and children were to be instructed in their use. It was necessary to be on their guard, for no Sachem now received the respect of the whole tribe, or could restrain the drunken passions of his followers. An illustration of the new Indian régime was soon afforded.

After his grants to Williams, Gorton, and Coddington, Canonicus would admit no more settlers upon his domains. But in April, 1649, the startling rumour reached the Plantations, that one of the chief islands of the Bay had been sold to the Dutch West India Company. The Sachems had given no notice to the colony of their intention, and the proceeding was in violation of the order of the legislature, and of their own agreement. All laws restraining a free sale of liquors and other injurious trade, became ridiculous if a foreign trading post could thus be established in the midst of Narragansett Bay, and supported by armed vessels from New Amsterdam. The colony,

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familistical persons and opinions," &c. In other words, they were weary of the despotism of the Puritan ministers, and welcomed any form of dissent from it. See History of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, of Boston. Savage's "Winthrop," I. 256.

(1) See Williams's letter to John Whipple, July 8, 1669. Narr. Club. Pub., VI. 328.

(2) R. I. Col. Records, I. 186. So early as 1645 Massachusetts refused to sell powder. Savage's "Winthrop," II. 211.

(3) Williams to Winthrop, April 15, 1649, Narr. Club Pub., VI. 173,

which had no navigation until fifty years afterwards, could do nothing but renew its prohibition-which was a mere protestagainst the Dutch trade.' Confidence in the Sachems was at an end. Williams had once carefully discriminated between the better class of Narragansetts who had self-respect and a barbaric pride of character, and the lower and baser sort, from whom nothing could be expected. After this he includes all in the same censure, as alike treacherous and unworthy.

The sturdy resistance of Gorton to the injustice of Massachusetts, and the restitution to which its government was forced, had some effect in restoring to him the respect of the Sachems. But the continual attacks upon Rhode Island-its opinions, laws, ane jurisdiction now made life and property everywhere uncomfortable, if not unsafe.

The history of these early years proves how groundless is the assertion that the founders of Rhode Island were protected by the Narragansetts. That they received Indian hospitality at a somewhat dear price, may be admitted. By protection we mean a more active interference in their behalf in time of peril, even to the extent of war, if necessary. The events to which we have referred, show that so far from intervention in behalf of the Rhode Island towns, the Narragansetts always stood in awe of Massachusetts, and were only anxious to secure themselves. When, if he ever meant to protect the planters of Warwick, Canonicus should have interfered or threatened— when his own territory was violated and his own grants set aside, he made no demonstration, or remonstrance on behalf of Gorton, but hastened to seek a protectorate for himself and his subjects, from the only power which could overrule or check Massachusetts, the English crown. The Narragansetts were prompt to answer at the beck and call of Massachusetts, whom they never ventured to disobey. Every act of despotism by Massachusetts over them proves that they could afford no protection

(R. I. Col. Records, A. D. 1647, I. 153; A. D. 1652, I. 243; A. D. 1654, I. 279.

(2) Key, pp. 27, 29.