as these would never have been made, had the Sachems foreseen that, instead of being a helpless few who sought to establish trading-houses, within their territory and under their control, Williams and his associates were but the pioneers of thousands, for whom the whole realm of the Narragansetts would not be too ample, and who were accustomed to tolerate no sovereignty but their own.

With all these misapprehensions, full of ill auguries on either side, the work of the Plantations began. But many obstacles were to be removed, before Williams could prosecute the benevolent work which had been the motive to his purchase. He was not desirous of power-had no longing to become the founder of a colony or even of a town-but only, of a mission to the Narragansetts. Events beyond his control, had forced upon him the admission of contentious associates, and now he was compelled to take a chief part in a new social organization, —in the laying out of highways, and the allotment of lands. Then came the formation of a religious society, with its controversies and disruption, and then the strifes with his own grantees, over the Proprietary title, of which he was never to see the end. He had far less time than he had expected, to devote to the moral elevation of the Narragansetts, and his efforts ended only in disappointment.

Similar attempts, under more favorable circumstances, were made in the neighbouring colonies. Their failure was due to causes everywhere at work, and which prepared equally for the failure of Williams.' Ten years later, in Massachusetts, the benevolent purposes of Eliot were aided by the local government, by public money, and by the charitable gifts of English friends.2 The colony was the strongest and most efficient of all the English Plantations. Its elders never spared a vigorous use of physical force. This had made its impression upon the barbarians, who are everywhere much inclined to estimate a (1) Eliot began his work about 1646. See Gookin's "Historical Collections," (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1st series, I. 166).

(2) Ibid., I. 172-74.

religion by the power at its command. The religious teachers of Massachusetts could not be treated with contempt or disrespect. The views of Christian doctrine there prevalent were far from being accepted by all Englishmen at that day, and they were far less fitted to the comprehension of Indians. The opinions of the magistrates and elders were urged upon the natives with a kindliness and toleration far greater than that with which they were pressed upon dissenting white men. The testimony of Williams, Gorton and Obadiah Holmes is ample to this effect. The Indian school at Natick was liberally supported and the coercive power of the colony was at its service. The institution was somewhat like a "Reform School" of the present day. The Indian pupils were surrounded by Englishmen-placed under restraint, and compelled to practice Christian virtue, whether they liked it or not. But the number of Eliot's assistants was comparatively small. Few or none could gain proficiency in the Indian tongue, or become conversant with Indian habits of thought. The chief effect produced upon the native race was in the Colony of Massachusetts. Yet the number of converts was not large, and the effect even upon them was in many cases superficial. The young Indians melted away under the sedentary and studious habits of civilization, more rapidly than under their original barbarism. In view of the many deaths, and the little apparent success, "Some conceived," "that the time of the great harvest of their ingathering is not yet come, but will follow after calling of the Jews."2 The early policy of Massachusetts and the advice given by the elders concerning the slaughter of Miantonomo, gave some plausibility to this opinion. With astonishing imprudence the government of Massachusetts allowed the Indians to be present at musters and trainings, and to learn how to "handle, mend, and fix their muskets." At Natick, the "praying Indians" were exer

(1) Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1st series, I. 210; Bentley's "Description and history of Salem," in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1st series, VI. 250. (2) Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 1st series, I. 174.

cised as a train-band under officers of their own. As a consequence in a time of trouble, the Indian in their natures prevailed over the Christian. Some of them became the most cruel and barbarous enemies of the English. Two relapsed converts were hanged at Boston after Philip's war. The "praying Indians" could not restrain their uncivilized brethren, and had little influence upon the fortunes of their race.

The like fruitless efforts for the benefit of the Indians were made in Connecticut, and with very similar results. The law gave its aid for the purpose of conversion, but the enforced observance of the Puritan "Sabbath," did not give attractiveness to the religion of the white men. Eliot preached in their own language to an assembly of Connecticut Indians. When he had finished his address, he desires an answer from them, whether they accepted his offers. The Sachems utterly refused them. They said "the English had taken away their lands, and were now attempting to make them servants.". They regarded Christianity merely as an instrument of subjugation, in the hands of a conquering race. Recent English writers have given the same reason for the slow progress of the Christian religion among the native races of British India. Efforts for the benefit of the Indians in Connecticut were not wanting but so long as their tribal government continued, all met with "little success."

In marked contrast with his Puritan neighbours, Williams

(1) See E. Randolph's "Narrative," in "Hutchinson papers," II. 225, 227–28, A.D. 1676. ("Publications of the Prince Society.)"

"The English have contributed much to their misfortunes, for they first taught the Indians the use of armes, and admitted them to be present at all their musters and trainings, and shewed them how to handle, mend and fix their muskets, and have been furnished with all sorts of armes by permission of the government, so that the Indians are become excellent firemen. And at Natick there was a gathered church of praying Indians, who were exercised as trained bands, under officers of their owne; these have been the most barbarous and cruel enemies to the English of any others. Capt. Tom, their leader, being lately taken and hanged at Boston, with one other of their chiefs."

was unaided and alone. His mission, his plantation at Prudence, and his "trading house" at Narragansett, all claimed his attention, and the Englishmen about him were too much absorbed by social problems of their own, to feel any interest in his work. But now that he had begun it, he pursued it with enthusiasm and self devotion. While at Plymouth in 1632, he had written to Gov. Winthrop that he longed after "the natives' souls," and now (1637-8) again, that he had "great hopes" "of many a poor Indian soul." Indian soul." With no encouragement from others, he grappled single-handed with the barbarism of the Narragansetts. He had not the leisure, or the income of Eliot, for the study of Indian grammar, nor the support which Eliot received from the civil power. Yet he persevered in the midst of hard labour for his daily bread-"at the plough, and at the oar." Even the first difficulty, "their barbarous rockie speech," he had never fully surmounted. With his best efforts, he knew that he was but imperfectly acquainted with the language.. From the remarks of Williams it may be inferred that neither he nor Eliot was ever able to deliver a fluent oration in the Indian tongue, but that their discourses were conversational, and that whenever either met with an obstacle or was at a loss for a word, he would enter into enquiries and explanations until he was understood. It was an exhausting labour to speak in a tongue imperfectly acquired, and Williams's vocabulary was sometimes exhausted,-"as farre as my language would reach,” savs Williams of one of his discourses."

The doctrines which Williams proposed to teach the Narragansetts are fully set forth in his published writings, and need no remark. Their effect was impaired by the opinion which he entertained, that the ancient church was in suspense, or had

(1) Williams's letters, Narr. Club Pub., I. 2.

(2) Ibid., I. 88. (Feb. 28th).

(3) George Fox digg'd out of his Burrowes," in Narr. Club Pub., V. 465.

(4) See Key, pp. 22, 30, 31, 117. Knowles's "Roger Williams," p. 328. "Bloody Tenent yet more bloody." (Narr. Club Pub., IV. 371-72). Callender's Hist. discourse, (R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., IV. 110-11).

(5) Key, p. 117.

passed away, and that its observances had perished with it. His precepts were therefore offered without the support of any visible institutions even that of the usual Lord's Day.' He could avail himself of no ritual such as the French missionaries in Canada have employed with a partial success. He even doubted if any church then existed in the world. He was, at times, discouraged by the want of a lawful warrant or commission as an apostle, but especially by the inseparable difficulty of preaching Christianity to the Narragansetts, in their own language, without inspiration."

On the other hand, the Narragansetts were but unpromising pupils for any, and especially for a religious teacher. They were willing to listen to Williams, and set no hindrances in his way. They were satisfied with the state into which they had been born, and showed an indifference to other men's religious opinions, in which Williams was glad to trace some resemblance to his own liberty of conscience. They were not susceptible of the strong religious emotions common to the races of African origin, and through which they are easily moved by the teachings of superstition or of common sense. In view of what He had enabled them to accomplish, the Narragansetts readily acknowledged that the Englishmen's God was greater than their own. But to a people who had no conception of any but local deities, this was but a slight advance towards conversion. Such observation of civilised life as they had enjoyed, assured them that they could not bear its restraints and its cap

5

(1) Key, p. 117.

Narr. Club Pub., VI. 188.

(2) See Williams to Winthrop, Dec. 10, 1649. Callender's Hist. discourse, R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., IV. 110-11. (3) See "The bloody Tenent yet more bloody." Narr. Club Pub., IV. 219, 220, 370, 371, 372. See also p. 373, as follows:-"Trere being no helpes of Art and learning amongst them, I see not how without constant use of a Miracle any man is able to attaine to any proprietie of speech amongst them even in common things." This was so late as A.D. 1652.

(4) Key, p. 113.

(5)Key, p. 20.