FISHER AMES.

FISHER AMES was born at Dedham, in Norfolk County, Massachusetts, on the ninth of April, 1758. He was descended from one of the oldest families in the province. His father, Nathaniel Ames, was a physician of some eminence. To his skill in his profession he added a knowledge of astronomy and mathematics, and for several years published an almanac or An Astronomical Diary, which was "yearly sought for on account of the correct calculations, trite maxims, and the strict morality which filled its interstices."

At an early age Fisher Ames exhibited an ardent fondness for classical literature. When only six years old he commenced the study of Latin, and although experiencing great disadvantages from a frequent change of instructors, he made rapid improvement, and was admitted to Harvard College in the year 1770, shortly after the completion of his twelfth year. While at college he was remarkable for his application and industry during the hours devoted to study, and for his vivacity and animation during those set apart for relaxation and pleasure. From the geniality and modesty of his character, he soon acquired the friendship of all around him. He was a member of a society which had been formed by the students for improvement in elocution. "It was early observed that he coveted the glory of eloquence. In his declamation be fore this society, he was remarked for the energy and propriety with which he delivered such specimens of impassioned oratory as his genius led him to select. His compositions at this time bore the characteristic stamp which has always marked his speaking and writing. They were sententious and full of ornament." In 1774 Mr. Ames graduated, and for a short time devoted himself to teaching, occupying the hours in which he was relieved from that employment in reviewing the classics he had studied at college, and in reading ancient and modern history, as well as "some of the best novels." He was a great lover of poetry, and became familiar with all the principal English writers in that branch of literature. He dwelt with enthusiasm upon the beauties of Milton and Shakspeare, and held in memory many of their choicest passages. This course of reading helped to furnish "that fund of materials for speaking and writing which he possessed in singular abundance, his remarkable fertility of allusion, and his ability to evolve a train of imagery adapted to every subject of which he treated."

Mr. Ames pursued a course of law under the care of William Tudor,* of Boston, and in the fall of the year 1781 commenced practice in his native town. The affairs of government soon attracted his attention. On the twelfth of October, 1786, appeared from his pen a speculation upon the state of politics in Massachusetts, under the title of Lucius Junius Brutus, and in March of the year following he published two more pieces touching upon the same points, under the title of Camillus. These productions gave Mr. Ames much renown; "the leading men of the State turned their eyes to him as one destined to render the most important services to the

* William Tudor, a son of John Tudor, was born at Boston, Massachusetts, on the 28th of March, 1750. He graduated at Harvard College in 1769, studied law with John Adams, and was admitted to practice in 1772. In the army of the Revolution he held the commission of a colonel, and from 1775 to 1778 he was judge-advocate-general. He was a member of the House and Senate, and in 1809 and 1810 the Secretary of State. Of the Massachusetts Historical Society he was one of the founders. He died in July, 1808.-Loring's Boston Orators: Mass. Hist. Collections.

country." In 1788 he was chosen to the State legislature, in which assembly he advocated im portant educational measures, in view of elevating the character of the great mass of the people, and rendering them capable of higher enjoyments. In 1789 he was elected a member of the first Congress under the constitution, in which body he remained during the eight years of Washington's administration. He was a strong advocate of the federal policy, and on every question of importance took an active part. He opposed the commercial resolutions of Mr. Madison, because he thought "that commerce could not be served by regulations, which should oblige us to sell cheap and buy dear,' and he inferred that the effect of the resolutions could only be to gratify partialities and resentments, which all statesmen should discard." In April, 1796, he delivered his celebrated speech on the appropriation for Jay's Treaty, a production full of the deepest pathos and richest eloquence.* At the termination of the session of Congress, Mr. Ames travelled at the south for his health, which had for many months been gradually sinking. On his partial recovery, he took his seat at the next session, and entered upon the duties of his office. At the end of this session he returned to his home at Dedham, and declining a re-election, took upon himself the practice of his profession. He continued writing political essays during the remainder of his life, all of which bear the mark of the statesman and ripe scholar. In the year 1804 he was called to the chair of the presidency of Harvard College, which honor he declined on account of failing health, and a consciousness that his habits were not adapted to the office. On the morning of the Fourth of July, 1808, he expired, having just completed the fiftieth year of his age.t

MADISON'S RESOLUTIONS.

The House of Representatives, on the third | cases, on the manufactures and navigation of of January, 1794, resolved itself into a Com- foreign nations, employed in the commerce of mittee of the Whole, on the report of Mr. Jef- the United States, than those now imposed."* ferson, Secretary of State, "On the nature and On these resolutions Mr. Ames addressed the extent of the privileges and restrictions of the committee on the twenty-seventh of January, commercial intercourse of the United States as follows: with foreign nations, and the measures which he thought proper to be adopted for the improvement of the commerce and navigation of the same," when Mr. Madison introduced a series of resolutions, proposing to impose "further restrictions and higher duties, in certain

MR. CHAIRMAN: The question lies within this compass: is there any measure proper to be adopted by Congress, which will have the effect to put our trade and navigation on a better footing? If there is, it is our undoubted right to adopt it, (if by right is understood the power of self-government, which every independent nation possesses,) and our own as completely as

* Dr. Charles Caldwell, in his autobiography, thus speaks of Ames's eloquence: "He was decidedly one of the most * Mr. Madison, in explanation of his motives and views, splendid rhetoricians of the age. Two of his speeches, in a spoke of the security and extension of our commerce as a special manner-that on Jay's treaty, and that usually called principal object for which the federal government was his 'Tomahawk speech' (because it included some resplen- formed. He urged the tendency of his resolutions to secure dent passages on Indian massacres) were the most bril- to us an equitable share of the carrying trade; that they liant and fascinating specimens of eloquence I have ever would enable other nations to enter into competition with heard; yet have I listened to some of the most celebrated England for supplying us with manufactures; and in this speakers in the British Parliament-among others, to Wil-way he insisted that our country could make her enemies berforce and Mackintosh, Plunket, Brougham, and Canning: and Dr. Priestley, who was familiar with the oratory of Pitt the father and Pitt the son, and also with that of Burke and Fox, made to myself the acknowledgment that, in his own words, the speech of Ames, on the British treaty, was the most bewitching piece of parliamentary oratory he had ever listened to."

In the preparation of this sketch, the editor has relied mainly on Mr. Kirkland's chaste memoir of Mr. Ames, which is attached to the published works of that eminent orator.

feel the extent of her power, by depriving those who manufactured for us of their bread. He adverted to the measures enforced by a certain nation contrary to our maritime rights, and out of the proceeds of the extra impositions proposed, he recommended a reimbursement to our citizens of their losses arising from those measures. He maintained that if the nation cannot protect the rights of its citizens, it ought to repay the damage; and that we are bound to obtain reparation for the injustice of foreign nations to our citizens, or to compensate them ourselves.-Ames's Works, page 24.

be sold cheaper, and our imports to be bought dearer, they cannot escape condemnation. Whatever specious show of advantage may be given them, they deserve to be called aggravations of any real or supposed evils in our commercial system, and not remedies.

I have framed this statement of the question so as to comprehend the whole subject of debate, and at the same time, I confess it was my design to exclude from consideration a number of topics which appear to me totally irrelative to it.

any other; it is our duty also, for we are the | resolutions on the table; and if it shall clearly depositaries and the guardians of the interests appear, that they tend to cause our exports to of our constituents, which, on every consideration, ought to be dear to us. I make no doubt they are so, and that there is a disposition sufficiently ardent existing in this body, to cooperate in any measures, for the advancement of the common good. Indeed, so far as I can judge from any knowledge I have of human nature, or of the prevailing spirit of public transactions, that sort of patriotism which makes us wish the general prosperity, when our private interest does not happen to stand in the way, is no uncommon sentiment. In truth, it is very like self-love, and not much The best answer to many assertions we have less prevalent. There is little occasion to ex- heard is, to admit them without proof. We cite and inflame it. It is, like self-love, more are exhorted to assert our natural rights; to apt to want intelligence than zeal. The danger put trade on a respectable footing; to dictate is always, that it will rush blindly into embar- terms of trade to other nations; to engage in a rassments, which a prudent spirit of inquiry contest of self-denial, and by that, and by shiftmight have prevented, but from which it will ing our commerce from one country to anoscarcely find means to extricate us. While ther, to make our enemies feel the extent of our therefore the right, the duty, and the inclina-power. This language, as it respects the protion to advance the trade and navigation of the United States, are acknowledged and felt by us all, the choice of the proper means to that end is a matter requiring the most circumspect inquiry, and the most dispassionate judgment.

per subject of discussion, means nothing, or what is worse. If our trade is already on a profitable footing, it is on a respectable one. Unless war be our object, it is useless to inquire, what are the dispositions of any governAfter a debate has continued a long time, ment, with whose subjects our merchants deal the subject very frequently becomes tiresome to the best advantage. While they will smoke before it is exhausted. Arguments, however our tobacco, and eat our provisions, it is very solid, urged by different speakers, can scarcely immaterial, both to the consumer and the profail to render the discussion both complex and ducer, what are the politics of the two coundiffusive. Without pretending to give to my tries, excepting so far as their quarrels may disarguments any other merit, I shall aim at sim-turb the benefits of their mutual intercourse. plicity.

We hear it declared, that the design of the resolutions is to place our trade and navigation on a better footing. By better footing, we are to understand a more profitable one. Profit is a plain word, that cannot be misunderstood.

So far, therefore, as commerce is concerned, the inquiry is, have we a good market?

The good or bad state of our actual market is the question. The actual market is every where more or less a restricted one, and the natural order of things is displaced by the artificial. We have, to speak in round numbers, twenty Most nations, for reasons of which they alone million dollars of exports annually. To have are the rightful judges, have regulated and rethe trade of exports on a good footing, means stricted their intercourse, according to their nothing more than to sell them dear; and con- views of safety and profit. We claim for oursequently, the trade of import on a good foot-selves the same right, as the acts in our statute ing, is to buy cheap. To put them both on a better footing, is to sell dearer and to buy cheaper than we do at present. If the effect of the resolutions will be to cause our exports to be sold cheaper, and our imports to be bought dearer, our trade will suffer an injury.

It is hard to compute how great the injury would prove; for the first loss of value in the buying dear, and selling cheap, is only the symptom and beginning of the evil, but by no means the measure of it; it will withdraw a great part of the nourishment that now supplies the wonderful growth of our industry and opulence. The difference may not amount to a great proportion of the price of the articles, but it may reach the greater part of the profit of the producer; it may have effects in this way which will be of the worst kind, by discouraging the products of our land and industry. It is to this test I propose to bring the

book, and the resolutions on the table evince, without holding ourselves accountable to any other nation whatever. The right, which we properly claim, and which we properly exercise, when we do it prudently and usefully for our nation, is as well established, and has been longer in use in the countries of which we complain, than in our own. If their right is as good as that of Congress, to regulate and restrict, why do we talk of a strenuous exertion of our force, and by dictating terms to nations, who are fancied to be physically dependent on America, to change the policy of nations? It may be very true, that their policy is very wise and good for themselves, but not as favorable for us as we could make it, if we could legislate for both sides of the Atlantic.

The extravagant despotism of this language accords very ill with our power to give it effect, or with the affectation of zeal for an un

rather this indirect admission of its authority, establishes it. It will not be pretended, that it has been shaken during the debate.

It has been made to appear, beyond contradiction, that the British market for our exports, taken in the aggregate, is a good one; that it is better than the French, and better than any we have, and for many of our products the only one.

The whole amount of our exports to the British dominions, in the year ending the 30th September, 1790, was nine million two hundred and forty-six thousand six hundred and six dollars.

limited freedom of commerce. Such a state of | This evasion of the force of the statement, or absolute freedom of commerce never did exist, and it is very much to be doubted whether it ever will. Were I invested with the trust to legislate for mankind, it is very probable the first act of my authority would be to throw all the restrictive and prohibitory laws of trade into the fire; the resolutions on the table would not be spared. But if I were to do so, it is probable I should have a quarrel on my hands with every civilized nation. The Dutch would claim the monopoly of the spice trade, for which their ancestors passed their whole lives in warfare. The Spaniards and Portuguese would be no less obstinate. If we calculate what colony monopolies have cost in wealth, in suffering, and in crimes, we shall say they were dearly purchased. The English would plead for their navigation act, not as a source of gain, but as an essential means of securing their independence. So many interests would be disturbed, and so many lost, by a violent change from the existing to an unknown order of things; and the mutual relations of nations, in respect to their power and wealth, would suffer such a shock, that the idea must be allowed to be perfectly Utopian and wild. But for this country to form the project of changing the policy of nations, and to begin the abolition of restrictions by restrictions of its own, is equally ridiculous and inconsistent.

Let every nation that is really disposed to extend the liberty of commerce, beware of rash and hasty schemes of prohibition. In the affairs of trade, as in most others, we make too many laws. We follow experience too little, and the visions of theorists a great deal too much. Instead of listening to discourses on what the market ought to be, and what the schemes, which always promise much on paper, pretend to make it, let us see what is the actual market for our exports and imports. This will bring vague assertions and sanguine opinions to the test of experience. That rage for theory and system, which would entangle even practical truth in the web of the brain, is the poison of public discussion. One fact is better than two systems.

But it will be more simple and satisfactory to confine the inquiry to the articles following: breadstuff, tobacco, rice, wood, the produce of the fisheries, fish oil, pot and pearl ash, salted meats, indigo, live animals, flax seed, naval stores, and iron.

The amount of the beforementioned articles exported in that same year to the British dominions, was eight million four hundred and fifty-seven thousand one hundred and seventythree dollars.

We have heard so much of restriction of inimical and jealous prohibitions to cramp our trade, it is natural to scrutinize the British system, with the expectation of finding little besides the effects of her selfish and angry policy.

Yet of the great sum of nearly eight millions and a half, the amount of the products beforementioned sold in her markets, two articles only are dutied by way of restriction. Breadstuff is dutied so high in the market of Great Britain as, in times of plenty, to exclude it, and this is done from the desire to favor her own farmers. The mover of the resolutions justified the exclusion of our breadstuff from the French West Indies by their permanent regulations, because, he said, they were bound to prefer their own products to those even of the United States. It would seem that the same apology would do for England in her home market. But what will do for the vindication of one nation becomes invective against another. The criminal nation however receives The terms on which our exports are received our breadstuff in the West Indies free, and exin the British market, have been accurately ex- cludes other foreign, so as to give our producers amined by a gentleman from South Carolina, the monopoly of the supply. This is no merit (Mr. William L. Smith.) Before his statement in the judgment of the mover of the resolutions, of facts was made to the committee, it was because it is a fragment of her old colony sysurged, and with no little warmth, that the system. Notwithstanding the nature of the duties tem of England indicated her inveteracy to- on breadstuff in Great Britain, it has been wards this country, while that of France, spring-clearly shown that she is a better customer for ing from disinterested affection, constituted a claim for gratitude and self-denying measures of retribution.

Since that statement, however, that romantic style, which is so ill adapted to the subject, has been changed. We hear it insinuated, that the comparison of the footing of our exports, in the markets of France and England, is of no importance; that it is chiefly our object to see how we may assist and extend our commerce.

that article in Europe than her neighbor France. The latter, in ordinary times, is a poor customer for breadstuff, for the same reason that our own country is, because she produces it herself, and therefore France permits it to be imported, and the United States do the like. Great Britain often wants the article, and then she receives it; no country can be expected to buy what it does not want. The breadstuff sold in the European dominions of Britain, in the year