common enemy;-stupid men, who, without knowing a single word about war, undertake to judge you, to make ridiculous comparisons. They are infatuated with Gates, without thinking of the different circumstances; and believe that attacking is the only thing necessary to conquer. Those ideas are entertained in their minds by some jealous men; and, perhaps, secret friends to the British government, who want to push you, in a moment of ill-humor, to some rash enterprise upon the lines, or against a much stronger army. I should not take the liberty of mentioning these particulars to you, if I did not receive a letter about this matter from a young, good-natured gentleman at York, whom Conway has ruined by his cunning, bad advice; but who entertains the greatest respect for you. I have been surprised at first to see the few establishments of this Board of War; to see the difference made between Northern and Southern departments; to see Resolves from Congress about military operations; but the promotion of Conway is beyond all my expectations. I should be glad to have new Major-Generals: because, as I know, you take some interest in my happiness and reputation, it is perhaps an occasion for your Excellency to give me more agreeable commands in some interesting instances. On the other hand, General Conway says he is entirely a man to be disposed of by me. He calls himself my soldier; and the reason of such behavior to me is, that he wishes to be well spoken of at the French Court, and his protector, the Marquis de Castries, is an intimate acquaintance of mine; but since the letter of Lord Stirling, I inquired into his character: I found that he was an ambitious and dangerous man. He has done all in his power, by cunning manœuvres, to take off my confidence and affection for you. His desire was to engage me to leave this country. Now I see all the general officers of the army against Congress. Such disputes, if known by the enemy, would be attended with the worst consequences. I am very sorry whenever I perceive troubles raised among the defenders of the same cause; but my concern is much greater when I find officers coming from France, officers of some character in my country,- to whom any fault of that kind may be imputed. I must pay to General Portail, and some French officers, who came to speak me, the justice to say, that I found them as I could wish upon this occasion; for it has made a great noise among many in the army. I wish, indeed, those matters could be soon pacified. I wish your Excellency could let them know how necessary you are to them, and engage them at the same time to keep peace, and simulate love among themselves, till the moment when those little disputes shall not be attended with This was an allusion to a matter of some consequence, as will appear in the next Number. such inconveniences. It would be, too, a great pity that slavery, dishonor, ruin, and unhappiness of a whole world, should issue from some trifling differences between a few men. 'You will find, perhaps, this letter very useless, and even inopportune; but I was desirous of having a pretty long conversation with you upon the present circumstances, to explain you what I think of this matter. As a proper opportunity for it did not occur, I took the liberty of laying down some of my ideas in this letter; because it is for my satisfaction to be convinced that you, my dear General, who have been indulgent enough to permit me to look on you as upon a friend, should know the confession of my sentiments in a matter which I consider as a very important one. I have the warmest love for my country, and for every good Frenchman; their success fills my heart with joy. But, Sir, besides Conway is an Irishman, I want countrymen who deserve, in every point, to do honor to their country. That gentleman had engaged me, by entertaining my head with ideas of glory and shining projects; and I must confess, to my shame, that it is a too certain way of deceiving me. I wished to join to the few theories about war I can have, and the few dispositions nature gave perhaps to me, the experience of thirty campaigns; in hope that I should be able to be the more useful in the present circum stances. 'My desire of deserving your satisfaction is stronger than ever; and everywhere you will employ me, you can be certain of my trying every exertion in my power to succeed. I am now fixed to your fate; and I shall follow it and sustain it, as well by my sword as by all means in my power. You will pardon my importunity in favor of the sentiment which dictated it. Youth and friendship make me, perhaps, too warm; but I feel the greatest concern at all that has happened for some time since. With the most tender and profound respect, 'I have the honor to be, &c.' December 31st. Every assurance and proof of your affection fills my heart with joy, because that sentiment of yours is extremely dear and precious to me. A tender and respectful attachment for you, and an invariable frankness, will be found in my mind as you know me better; but, after those merits, I must tell you, that very few others are to be found. I never wished so heartily to be entrusted by nature with an immensity of talents, as on this occasion. I could be then of some use to your glory and happiness, as well as my own. In your preaching moderation to the Brigadiers upon such an occasion, I am not surprised to recognize your virtuous character. As I hope my warm interest is known to your Excellency, I dare entertain the idea, that you will be so indulgent as to let me know every thing concerning you, whenever you will not be under the law of secrecy, or particular circumstances. With the most tender and affectionate friendship, most profound respect, I have the honor to be, &c.' with the Lafayette's Mem. and Cor. vol. i. pp. 134, 141. The PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS to the GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. -, 27 January, 1778. 'DEAR SIR, — I have but a moment at present for acknowledg ing, and returning thanks for, the honor received in your Excellency's favor of the 8th. * 'If I were to indulge a querulous vein, I should detain your Excellency by a long detail of disorder and distractions in all our public affairs, superadded to the baneful effects of avarice and peculation; - among them, and not the least, the appearance, it would be warrantable to say raging, of a dangerous party spirit. But I forbear, and will still trust that the States will be awakened from their present lethargy, and again think it necessary to be represented in Congress by men of ability and in sufficient numbers. A most shameful deficiency in this branch is the greatest evil, and is indeed the source of almost all our evils. Hence thousands, I may say millions, have been wasted, and are wasting every day. Hence our American foxes, holding unaccounted millions, have gained time enough to learn, and impudence enough to say, the powers of Congress fall short of compulsive means for bringing them to a reckoning. Besides, we want genius for striking out new matter, for correcting errors and repressing dangerous appearances, by measures wise, silent, and effectual. Your Excellency is too well acquainted with the disorders of our domestic concerns. I am sorry to assure you, all our foreign wear the aspect of mere chance-medley. Hence naked soldiers, death, replete hospitals, desertions, and evacuated regiments. Hence, too, in my judgment, we are very lightly esteemed abroad, and probably are held up this very instant at auction. Is it not, from these considerations, incumbent upon every man of influence throughout our Union to exert his powers at this crisis; to exhort each State to fill up its representation in Congress, with the best, that is, the most sensible, vigilant, and faithful citizens? At present it seems as if every such man had bought his yoke of oxen, and prayed to be excused. A little longer trifling will fix a galling yoke upon themselves. There is but one thing, I think, can prevent it. Our antagonist is as idle, as profligate, as ourselves; and keeps pace with us in profusion, mismanagement, and family discord. 'Some of us, however, should remember the fate of the quarrelling curs, and guard against a similar decision, disgraceful and fatal. Perseverance in our present track will oblige us to run in debt more and more abroad; and there are among us some who discover an amazing avidity to do so. * Our agents in the West Indies, without money and even over head and ears in debt. If Congress were full, or even two thirds full, might we not expect some men in the group who would look into these important matters? * As I have already intimated, it seems as if every man, fit for these great purposes, had married a wife, and stayed to prove her. Sir, I see and lament, — but I can do nothing more than a kind of negative good. I do no harm, and think myself very happy when I can countermine an intended evil. If there be not speedily a resurrection of able men, and of that virtue which I thought had been genuine in 1775, we are gone; we shall undo ourselves. * 'I am, with very sincere regard, &c. Memoir of the Life of Wm. Livingston, p. 253. If the state of public affairs and of the source from which they mainly flowed, was truly as described by President Laurens, if the Congress over whom he presided at the close of '77 might justly be contrasted with that universally-approved Congress of '74 and '75, over whom Peyton Randolph and John Hancock successively presided,then, even within that period so nearly decisive of the all-important contest and of this country's hopes, there did indeed take place a change; a great change,- itself becoming the cause of other, and these again of yet other changes, till the various, widespreading, distracting, and distressing consequences of the whole succession, demanded, and has ever since demanded, a faithful, impartial, persevering, and effectual investigation and exposure of the real originating cause and authors of far the most calamitous portion of them. In the present stage of this work, when much remains still to be presented in relation to the years '75, '76, and '77, it is thought inexpedient to add more than a general index, arranged according to the order in which the subjects occur, and in which, to be understood, the first four ought to be sufficiently examined. If this is observed in respect to them, and if the extracts in the preface, together with the remarks and references contained in this volume, are at the same time duly regarded, the order in which the other subjects are attended to, is a matter of less consequence. An endeavor will be made to supply, in the succeeding volumes, every great deficiency which may be noticed in this, that the whole may contain all the necessary parts. END OF VOL. I. All published INDEX TO VOLUME FIRST. REVOLUTION, Causes of, Pages 5, 11, 18-20, 25, 26, 28, 29, 34-44, 46-48, 50, 106, 134. MILITARY ARRANGEMENTS, Principle of, 66, 68, 70, 72, 78, 84, 93, 94, 97, 98, 100, 113. BOUNTY, 84, 137, 139, 145, 147, 148, 163, 165, 166, 169, 214, 235, 243, 254, 255, 266, 271, FIELD-OFFICERS, 108, 192-194, 219, 298, 302, 306, 308-311, 319-321, 324, 375, 436. GENERAL OFFICERS, 109, 121, 147, 154, 155, 156, 228, 229, 247, 276, 370, 415, 420, 436, COURT OF ADMIRALTY, 113, 123, 136, 139, 140, 141, 147, 172, 200, 217, 250, 283. SUPERINTENDENCE OF PRISONERS, 122, 165, 170, 203, 227, 228, 299, 305, 307, 310, 311, EXPRESSES, 143, 154, 165, 170, 171, 234, 270, 283. AUDITORS OF ACCOUNTS, 160, 224, 259, 271. BOARD OF WAR, 202, 209, 211, 237, 250, 251. COMMISSARY-GENERAL, 214, 235, 252, 256, 270, 471, 472, 474, 476, 480, 481, 506, 537, PAY, Sectional Distinction of, 192-194, 208, 210, 212, 217, 219, 234, 235, 238. It is important to notice, that the influences designated by the fourth title in the |