troops, if they were, even at a BOUNTY of twenty, thirty, or more dollars, to engage the men already enlisted till January next, and such others as may be wanted to complete the establishment, for and during the war. I will not undertake to say, that the men can be had upon these terms; but I am satisfied, that it will never do to let the matter alone, as it was last year, till the time of service was near expiring. The hazard is too great in the first place, in the next, the trouble and perplexity of disbanding one army and raising another at the same instant, and in such a critical situation as the last was, are scarcely in the power of words to describe, and such as no man who has experienced them once, will ever undergo again.* 'If Congress should differ from me in sentiment upon this point, I have only to beg that they will do me the justice to believe, that I have nothing more in view, than what to me appears necessary to advance the public weal, although in the first instance it will be attended with a capital expense; and that I have the honor to be, &c.' Lond. ed. vol. i. p. 86. Wash. Writ. Sparks, vol. iii. p. 278. 'Perceiving the difficulty of recruiting the army, the General earnestly recommended to Congress, November 30, 1775, to try the effect of a bounty?' IN CONGRESS, 'November 30, 1775. Resolved, That no bounty be allowed to the army on reënlistment.' BOUNTY.-The General's letters, especially the last, together with this extract from Judge Marshall, and General Greene's letters, June 4, Dec. 20, 31, pp. 84, 145, 147, 148, disclose most clearly the views of Generals Washington and Greene upon this then important subject, and indicate strongly, as perfectly accordant with theirs, the views of the officers generally. Through these and the many other communications naturally induced by the crisis, Congress must have been again and again informed of both the existence and character of those views. The exigences of that crisis, in connection with the deep earnestness apparent in every line of this last letter, in parts of the one next preceding it, and of numerous others, render important all such obtainable records, as may serve to show the manner in which the above two letters of Feb. 9, were received and acted on in Congress. Those records are the following. IN CONGRESS, February 22, 1776. Two letters from General Washington, both of the 9th of this month, being received and read, 'Resolved, That the said letters be referred to a committee of the whole Congress. 'Accordingly, the Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the letters just received from General Washington, and after some time the President resumed * It will be seen, whether or not he was again subjected to a like trial. . the chair, and Mr. Ward reported, that the committee had taken into consideration the letters referred to them, but not having come to a conclusion, desired him to move for leave to sit again. 'Resolved, That this Congress will to-morrow resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into their farther consideration the letters from General Washington.' 'February 23. Resolved, That this Congress will, on Monday next, [26th] resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the letters from General Washington, &c.' •February 29. According to the order of the day, the Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consider. ation the letter from General Washington of the 9th instant, and the trade of the Colonies after the 1st of March; and, after some time, the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Ward reported, that the committee, not having come to a conclusion, desired him to move for leave to sit again. 'Resolved, That this Congress will, to-morrow, resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into farther consideration the letter from General Washington, and the trade of the Colonies.' 'March 13. The Congress then resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the Memorial from the merchants, traders, and others, inhabitants of Philadelphia, the Memorial of Edmund Custis, the letters from the Committees of Accomac and Northampton, the letters from General Washington, and the state of the trade of the Colonies, and after some time the President resumed the chair, and Mr. Ward reported, that the committee have had under consideration the matters referred to them, but not having come to any Resolution, desired him to move for leave to sit again. 'Resolved, That this Congress will to-morrow resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to take into their farther consideration the matters heretofore referred to them.' Although it is quite doubtful whether the General's letters so under consideration March 13, were the two of Feb. 9, these Proceedings on that day are inserted, because it is intended to omit no record, which related possibly to any of the important objects named in either of these two letters. It seems pertinent to observe here, that the Journals do not afford a trace of any attempt whatever toward the expressly declared, graphically explained, 'single object' of the last one, to engage men for and during the war, till after the battle on Long Island; that is, till September, 1776. To understand the nature and extent of the difference relating to bounty, it is necessary to examine in reference to that subject, on the one hand, the short extract and the letters of the two Generals above referred to; and on the other, the above Resolve of Nov. 30, General Washington's letter to Governor Cooke, Dec. 5, p. 137, the Resolves of Jan. 19, 20, 30, pp. 163, 166, with the above Proceedings of Congress. COMMISSARY Of Prisoners.—In regard to such an appointment, it is recommended to examine likewise, in connection with the former of these two letters, Feb. 9, the General's letter, Nov. 8, and the Resolves with the remarks below it, pp. 121, 122. EXPRESSES. The same letter of Feb. 9, together with that to Colonel Reed, Jan. 14, p. 154, sufficiently manifest the General's views and desires concerning Expresses. The extracts below, jointly with those showing the appointment of a committee, Dec. 2, p. 143, constitute the evidence of what was done by Congress, as far as regards the solicitations to that time, for their establishment. IN CONGRESS, December 8, 1775. The committee on establishing Expresses brought in their Report, which was read.' February 1, 1776. The Congress took into consideration the Report of the Committee on establishing Posts and Expresses, and after debate, Resolved, That the farther consideration thereof be postponed; and that, in the mean while, Dr. Franklin be directed to write to the Postmasters, and inquire on what terms Expresses can be procured.' Thus ended the matter, in that direction. It will be seen, however, that Congress took up the subject anew. They established them between Philadelphia and the Camp, on being apprised by a letter from the General, dated June 29, that on that day had arrived at the Hook below New York, 'forty-five, some say more,' British ships-ofwar, in addition to the number previously there; and, after the battle above mentioned, Congress established them somewhat extensively, in another direction. GENERAL WASHINGTON TO JOSEPH REED. 'CAMBRIDGE, February 10, 1776. 'DEAR SIR,- If you conceive, that I took any thing wrong, or amiss, that was conveyed in any of your former letters, you are really mistaken. 'I know the integrity of my own heart, but to declare it, unless to a friend, may be an argument of vanity; I know the unhappy predicament I stand in; I know that much is expected of me; I know, that without men, without arms, without ammunition, without any thing fit for the accommodation of a soldier, little is to be done; and, what is mortifying, I know that I cannot stand justified to the world without exposing my own weakness, and injuring the cause, by declaring my wants, which I am determined not to do, further than unavoidable necessity brings every man acquainted with them. 'If under these disadvantages, I am able to keep above water, in the esteem of mankind, I shall feel myself happy; but if, from. the unknown peculiarity of my circumstances, I suffer in the opinion of the world, I shall not think you take the freedom of a friend, if you conceal the reflections that may be cast upon my conduct. My own situation is so irksome to me at times, that if I did not consult the public good more than my own tranquillity, I should long ere this have put every thing on the cast of a die. So far from my having an army of twenty thousand men well armed, I have been here with less than one half of that number, including sick, furloughed, and on command, and those neither armed nor clothed as they should be.* In short, my situation has been such, that I have been obliged to use art to conceal it from my own officers. 'But why will not Congress forward part of the powder made in your Province? They seem to look upon this as the season for action, but will not furnish the means. I will not blame them. I dare say the demands upon them are greater than they can supply. The cause must be starved till our resources are greater, or more certain within ourselves. 'With respect to myself, I have never entertained an idea of an accommodation, since I heard of the measures, which were adopted in consequence of the Bunker's Hill fight. The King's speech has confirmed the sentiments I entertained upon the news of that affair; and, if every man was of my mind, the Ministers of Great Britain should know, in a few words, upon what issue the cause should be put. I would not be deceived by artful declarations, nor specious pretences; nor would I be amused by unmeaning propositions; but in open, undisguised, and manly terms proclaim our wrongs, and our resolution to be redressed. I would tell them, that we had borne much, that we had long and ardently sought for reconciliation upon honorable terms, that it had been denied us, that all our attempts after peace had proved abortive, and had been grossly misrepresented, that we had done every thing which could be expected from the best of subjects, that the spirit of freedom rises too high in us to submit to slavery, and that, if nothing else would satisfy a tyrant and his diabolical ministry, we are determined to shake off all connexions with a State so unjust and unnatural. 'This I would tell them, not under covert, but in words as clear as the sun in its meridian brightness. 'I observe what you say, in respect to the ardor of the CHIMNEYCORNER HEROES. I am glad their zeal is in some measure abated, because if circumstances will not permit us to make an attempt upon Boston, or if it should be made and fail, we shall not appear altogether so culpable. 'I entertain the same opinion of the attempt now, which I have ever done!' 'The Congress have ordered all captures to be tried in the Courts of Admiralty of the different governments† to which they are sent. Some irreconcilable difference arising between the Resolves of Congress and the law of this Colony, respecting the proceedings, * By the Resolve, Nov. 4, p. 120, his army was to consist of 20,372. + Respecting a COURT OF ADMIRALTY, see letter Dec. 14, with the remarks and the Resolutions succeeding that letter, pp. 138, 139, 140, 141, or something which always happens to procrastinate business here, has put a total stop to the trials, to the no small injury of the public as well as the great grievance of individuals. Whenever a condemnation shall take place, I shall not be unmindful of your advice respecting the hulls. Would to heaven the plan you speak of for obtaining arms may succeed. The acquisition would be great, and give fresh life and vigor to our measures. Our expectations are kept alive, and if we can keep ourselves so, and our spirits up another summer, I have no fears of wanting the needful after that.'* Sparks, vol. iii. p. 284. Wash. Writ. GENERAL WASHINGTON to the PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 'SIR, The late freezing weather having formed some pretty strong ice from Dorchester Point to Boston Neck, and from Roxbury to the Common, thereby affording a more expanded and consequently a less dangerous approach to the town, I could not help thinking, notwithstanding the militia were not all come in, and we had little or no powder to begin our operation by a regular cannonade or bombardment, that a bold and resolute assault upon the troops in Boston with such men as we had, (for it could not take many men to guard our own lines at a time when the enemy were attacked in all quarters,) might be crowned with success; and therefore, seeing no certain prospect of a supply of powder on the one hand, and a certain dissolution of the ice on the other, I called the general officers together, for their opinion, agreeably to the Resolve of Congress of the 22d of December. † The result will appear in the inclosed council of war; and, being almost unanimous, I must suppose it to be right; although, from a thorough conviction of the necessity of attempting something against the ministerial troops before a reinforcement should arrive, and while we were favored with the ice, I was not only ready, but willing, and desirous of making the assault, under a firm hope (if the men would have stood by me) of a favorable issue, notwithstanding the enemy's advantage of ground and artillery. 'Perhaps the irksomeness of my situation may have given different ideas to me, than those which influenced the gentlemen I consulted, and might have inclined me to put more to the hazard, than was consistent with prudence; if it did, I am not sensible of it, as I endeavored to give it all the consideration that a matter of such importance required. True it is, and I cannot help acknowledging, that I have many disagreeable sensations on account of my situation; for, to have the eyes of the whole Continent fixed with * It will appear in future Numbers, that in that instance at least, the General's unbounded and unfailing charity misled his judgment greatly. * See that Resolve, p. 143. |