The names of the heads of the several departments under this new organization are as follows: Mr. Inouye, minister for foreign affairs. Mr. Kono, minister of education. Admiral Enomoto, minister of marine. Mr. Kuroda, chief (choki-kuan) of the kaita-kushi or colonization bureau. You will observe that Mr. Inouye and Mr. Kuroda are not only members of the imperial council, but still retain their positions as ministers for foreign affairs and chief of the kaita kushi, respectively. It would seem that this change was made in obedience to the demand of the people that there should be a law-making power independent of the executive departments. Hitherto all the heads of departments were members of the imperial council. The action taken, apparently at the instance of the people of the empire and of the local representative assemblies of its several provinces, seems to import that the chief advisers of His Majesty the Emperor appreciate the demand for a constitutional monarchy, a national legislature, and a system of civil policy which will combine centralized power with decentralized administration limited and regulated by general and local laws. I have, &c., JNO. A. BINGHAM. [Inclosure in No. 1078.-Extract from the Japan Weekly Mail, February 28, 1889.] A NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. [Translated from the Mainichi Shimbun.] The following memorial praying for the establishment of a representative assembly has been presented to His Excellency Sanjo Sanetomi, the prime minister, by Messrs. Masuda, Yendo, Akiyama, Minegishi, Chiba, Atami, &c., acting on behalf of the local assembly of the prefecture of Miyagi: To His Excellency SANJO SANETOMI, Prime Minister: We have the honour to present to your excellency the following memorial: We consider that in a great many respects the management of the country is like the regulation of water. It is impossible altogether to restrain the force of a running stream, and therefore those who are acquainted with hydraulics learn how to humor and direct the force of the current so as to avoid damage. When a flood occurs, the surface of the adjoining land is submerged. The same happens to the administration of the country. When the pent-up excitement of a nation breaks forth, no force can restrain the people from accomplishing their desires; they must be allowed to attain their ends in order to avoid disastrous consequences. This submission to the will of the people is, we consider, the proper way to control their actions. We have ascertained, as the result of careful investigation, that the people of Japan have developed a spirit of independence, and now thoroughly appreciate the respective rights of the monarch and the general mass of the community. The result of the knowledge is an ever-increasing demand for the establishment of a constituent asseMbly, vesting legislative power in the people, and it is now very apparent that the movement will never cease until the required object is achieved. We respectfully submit that, until legislative powers are lodged in the hands of the people through their representatives, the judicature cannot be placed on a thoroughly satisfactory footing; and if this be the case with the judicature, with how much more force does it apply to the executive! When the people are properly represented in the government, and the judicature and executive are in a satisfactory condition, then the wealth and prosperity of a nation increases. Every nation in Europe enjoys the advantages which are termed "constitutional government." His Imperial Majesty, the great and gracious Emperor who now rules over us, with the assistance of your excellency's wisdom and experience, leaves nothing to be desired in conducting the administration of the country, and yet dissatisfaction is prevalent at home, while abroad we suffer by reason of the exaction of foreigners. How is this to be explained? Is it not because no proper feeling of harmony has been established between the governors and the governed? The prosperity of a country is inseparable from the prosperity of its inhabitants; the government and people should therefore act in unison. Can it be right that the government should alone be charged with all affairs pertaining to the welfare of the state? It is indisputable that the most urgently pressing measure is the establishment of a constituent assembly, so that the people shall take a part in legislative functions. Thus the three great bodies which go to build up prosperous communities would be working in harmony, and the welfare of the empire advanced as that of a single individual. It is within our memory that His Majesty the Emperor, when he first ascended the imperial throne, made solemn oath before Heaven that "the will of the people shall be ascertained and the administration of the empire carried on conformably with their wishes." Seven years afterwards His Imperial Majesty issued an edict that "constitutional government shall be gradually introduced." His Majesty's virtues are indeed great and his wisdom profound. Is there any other means of ascertaining the will of the people and introducing constitutional government, except by the establishment of a national assembly? At the time we refer to, His Majesty evidently desired to grant political rights to the people, but they treated the matter with an indifference born of ignorance, and although the ex-privy councillor Goto Shojiro and others presented a memorial on the subject, there were many among the public who expressed a conviction that the country was not ripe for so radical an innovation. Thus the matter has been put off until the present day. The circumstances of the empire are, however, very different now to those of the 7th year of Meiji (1874). Not only do the people no longer think that the establishment of a constituent assembly would be premature, but societies and leagues have been formed throughout the length and breadth of the land, in order to secure the boon. Who therefore can now affirm that the people are indifferent, or that they cannot be intrusted with participation in legislative functions? Troubles and disturbances often take place in a country from unexpected causes, and if those members of the political societies who are desirous for a national assembly should find their hopes frustrated, it is to be feared that they will rise in insurrection and refuse to be pacified. Again, if your excellency, taking advantage of your exalted position and acknowledged popularity, despises the current of public opinion, and does not seek a suitable outlet for its violence, future history in speaking of your excellency will say that you "occupied the position of prime minister, but did not inforce the imperial edict, allow the people to succeed in their reasonable desires, or carry on the administration of the empire so as to meet with the approbation of the public. On the contrary the people were dissatisfied, and foreigners still main¦ained their haughty disregard for the independence of the nation." How could your excellency's admirers rid you of this blame? The subject has caused us much perplexity and embarrassment. Your excellency is well aware of all these circumstances, and will doubtless take the necessary steps to carry out the desired reforms with due care and prudence. We feel assured of this from the establishment of local and other subordinate assemblies in the cities and prefectures with the view of educating the people to the proper use of their political rights when intrusted into their hands. But what course is to be adopted if the people are not content with the existing assemblies? We are anxious to avoid any statements which might prove unpalatable, but it is undeniable that the clamor of the public, and more especially the inhabitants of our prefecture, for a constituent assembly, is now like that of a hungry man for food. This is why we have addressed a memorial to your excellency on the subject, as we have no intention of forcing the question upon you by a conspiracy or the assemblage of multitudes of people. We do so simply because we consider it our duty, having regard to the present state of the empire. We have not considered ourselves in this matter, but only our beloved country, and if, in the fullness of our feelings, we have exceeded the bounds of politeness, we pray your excellency to excuse our offense and regard only the meaning and spirit of our memorial. No. 1079.] No. 434. Mr. Bingham to Mr. Evarts. UNITED STATES LEGATION, Tokei, March 4, 1880. (Received April 2.) SIR: Some months since Mr. Matthew Scott, a citizen of the United States, for several years in the service of His Imperial Japanese Majesty's Finance department, died at Kobe. His remains were sent to San Francisco for sepulture. It gives me pleasure to acquaint you that it has pleased His Imperial Japanese Majesty's Government, in token of the high respect and esteem in which the deceased was held by the Japanese Government, and of its appreciation of the valuable service rendered by him, to transmit to our consul at Kobe, Mr. Stahel, the sum of 900 yen kinsatsu, to be appropriated in the erection of a suitable monument to the memory of Mr. Scott. Tokei, March 15, 1880. (Received April 26.) SIR: On the 11th instant His Imperial Japanese Majesty's Government issued a proclamation to the effect that all persons having claims against the late Lew Chew Han must present the same for payment to the Finance department of His Majesty's Government before the 30th of May next, stating the total amount of such claim, principal and interest, and that claims not heretofore presented, and which shall not be presented before the 30th of May next will not be accepted. It is also notified therein that payment of claims so presented, if contracted since 1844, will be paid in government bonds and money, as may be agreed upon by the claimants and the government; and that obligations for payments to the Lew Chew Han will be enforced and payment thereof accepted according to the terms of the original contract. I have the honor to inclose herewith for your information a translation of the proclamation, and of the rules prescribed for the payment of claims against the late Han, and for the collection of debts due to the late Han. I have thought it possible that some of our people may have had commercial dealings with Lew Chew. I have, &c., JNO. A. BINGHAM. [Inclosure 1 in No. 1088.-Translation.] No. 7. Proclamation is hereby made that the following method of paying the debts of the old Lew Chew Han, and of collecting the money and grain lent out by said Han, has been decided on. NOTE.-Those who have claims against said Han must forward them, along with a written calculation of the principal and interest, through the proper government office, to the finance department before the 30th of May next. Claims already forwarded to the finance department or claims for old loans made before 1843 need not be forwarded. Claims not forwarded within the time above given will not be accepted. SANJO SANEYOSHI, Daijo Daijin. MARCH 11, 1880. METHOD OF PAYING THE CLAIMS. I. Debts contracted by the old Lew Chew Han since 1844 will be paid in government bonds, as far as possible, and the remainder of the principal and interest will be paid in money at once. II. Old debts contracted before 1843 will not be converted into bonds. METHOD OF COLLECTING DUES. I. Money, grain, and other things payable to the old Lew Chew Han will be collected according to the contracts made with said Han. II. Money, grain, and other things lent out before 1844 will not be collected. No. 1101.] No. 436. Mr. Bingham to Mr. Evarts. UNITED STATES LEGATION, Tokei, April 13, 1880. (Received May 11.) SIR: This government, on the 5th instant, issued an imperial decree for the regulation of political meetings and associations which has excited some unfavorable comments in the foreign and native public journals of the empire. I have the honor to inclose for your information copies in duplicate of a translation of this decree as published in the Japan Mail of the 10th instant. It is therein provided that no political meetings shall be held for the discussion of political subjects, nor shall any political association be organized until permission shall have been first obtained from the police. It is also provided that persons belonging to the army or navy, or persons of the first and second reserves, or public officers, or professors or students in the government service, or in the public or private schools, or students in the schools of art and agriculture, shall not be permitted to attend or become members of political societies or to attend political meetings or lectures. Political societies are prohibited from advertising the subjects of lectures or debates and from issuing or sending out agents or circulars to influence the public to attend their meetings, and from communicating with each other. All such political meetings may be dispersed by order of the police. Penalties are prescribed for all violations of the regulations. It is said that these restrictions are needful for the good order and peace of the empire. I have, &c., JNO. A. BINGHAM. [Inclosure in No. 1101.-Extract from the Japan Daily Mail, April 10, 1880.] THE NEW REGULATIONS RESPECTING POLITICAL MEETINGS OR SOCIETIES. (Came into force on the 6th of April, 1880.) 1. If any one shall desire to give a lecture on political subjects, or assemble a meeting to debate such subjects, the promoter, president or manager, shall, three days at least before the lecture is to be given or meeting held, send in an application to the nearest police station for permission. Every such application shall state the subjects of the lecture or debate, and the names and addresses of the lecturers or speakers. 2. Every person desirous of forming a political society shall, before doing so, make application for permission at the nearest police station. Every such application shall give the name of the proposed society, the rules for its government, the place of meeting of the society, and the names of the members. Any alterations in the rules of the society or in the members, after the establishment of the society has been authorized, shall be reported to the police authorities, who shall at all times have power to make such inquiries as they may deem expedient, respecting the affairs of the society. 3. After the establishment of a society has been once authorized, three days' previous notice of the first meeting must be given at the nearest police station. After the first meeting has been held, it shall not be necessary to give notice of the subsequent regular meetings, but any alterations must be notified as provided in article No. 1 of these regulations. 4. Whenever the police authorities consider that granting the applications referred to in the three preceding articles would be prejudicial to the interests of the public, they may decline to do so. 5. Police officers in uniform shall have power to visit all lectures or meetings, and demand the production of the license to hold same. 6. If the license shall not be produced when demanded, or if any subject not specified in the report shall be lectured upon or discussed, or if the lecture or debate is considered prejudicial to the public interest, or liable to incite the hearers to commit offenses against the laws, or if persons are in attendance who ought not to have been admitted, and who refuse to leave when requested to do so, then and in every such case it shall be lawful for the police officers to close the meeting. 7. The following persous are forbidden to attend or take part in political lectures or meetings, or to become members of political societies: men belonging to the army or navy, the first and second reserves, police officers, professors, and students in gov ernment, public or private schools, and students in the schools of art and agriculture. 8. Every political society is prohibited from advertising the subject of its lectures or debates, or sending out agents or circulars to induce the public to attend its meetings. The combination of one society with another, and all communication between societies, is strictly forbidden. 9. Open-air lectures or debates upon political subjects are hereby prohibited. 10. If any lecture shall be given or meeting held without the permission mentioned in Article 1 being first obtained, the promoter of the lecture or meeting shall be liable to fine not exceeding 20 and not less than 2 yen, or to imprisonment not exceeding three months and not less than eleven days. The person who lent or rented the place of meeting, the president, manager, lecturers, and speakers shall severally be liable to a fine not exceeding 20 and not less than 2 yen, and every breach of Article 3 shall be punished in like manner. 11. For every breach of the provisions of Article 2 the president of a society shail be liable to a fine not exceeding 20 and not less than 2 yen. If false regulations or fraudulent lists of members of a society are forwarded to the police authorities, or incorrect answers returned to questions asked, the president of the society shall be liable, in addition to the monetary penalty hereinbefore mentioned, to imprisonment not exceeding three months and not less than eleven days. 12. If a police officer is refused admission to any lecture or meeting, contrary to Article 5, the promoter of the lecture or meeting, the president, and the manager shal each be liable to a fine not more than 50 and not less than 5 yen, or to be imprisoned not more than one year and not less than one month. Every person who refuses to answer questions, or returns false answers, respecting any lecture or debate, shall be liable to a similar punishment to that herein before mentioned. In the event of any person being guilty of a similar offense a second time, he shall be liable to a fine not exceeding 100 and not less than 10 yen, or to be imprisoned not more than two years and not less than two months. 13. When the persons assembled at any meeting are ordered to disperse, every one refusing to do so shall be liable to a fine not exceeding 20 and not less than 2 yen, or to be imprisoned for not more than six months and not less than eleven days. 14. For every breach of Article No. 7, the conductors and president of a meeting, or the president and officers of a society, will be severally liable to a fine not exceeding 20 and not less than 2 yen, or to be imprisoned for not more than three months and not less than eleven days. If the offense committed shall be considered aggravated, the society may be suppressed altogether, and should any persous persist in holding a meeting after being prohibited from doing so, they shall each be liable to a fine not exceeding 20 and not less than 2 yen. 15. For every breach of Article No. 8, the promoter of a meeting, the manager and president, and the president and officers of a society, shall each be liable to a tine not exceeding 50 and not less than 5 yen, or to be imprisoned not more than one year or less than one month. In addition, the society will be suppressed, and all persons |