there with the same explicit frankness with which I have here given you a history of our proceedings, an account of my own conduct, which in a particular manner I consider you as having a right to know-While there, I endeavored to act as became a free man, and the delegate of a free state. Should my conduct obtain the approbation of those who appointed me, I will not deny it would afford me satisfaction; but to me that approbation was at most no more than a secondary consideration-my first was to deserve it; left to myself to act according to the best of my discretion, my conduct should have been the same, had I been even sure your censure would have been my only reward, since I hold it sacredly my duty to dash the cup of poison, if possible, from the hand of a state, or an individual, however anxious the one or the other might be to swallow it. Indulge me, sir, in a single observation further :There are persons who endeavor to hold up the idea that this system is only opposed by the officers of government. I, sir, am in that predicament. I have the honor to hold an appointment, in this state. Had it been considered any objection, I presume I should not have been appointed to the convention; if it could have had any effect on my mind, it would only be that of warming my heart with gratitude, and rendering me more anxious to promote the true interest of that state, which has conferred on me the obligation, and to heighten my guilt had I joined in sacrificing its essential rights: But, sir, it would be well to remember, that this system is not calculated to diminish the number or the value of offices; on the contrary, if adopted, it will be productive of an enormous encrease in their number; many of them will be also of great honor and emoluments. Whether, sir, in this variety of appointments, and in the scramble for them, I might not have as good a prospect to advantage myself as many others, is not for me to say; but this, sir, I can say with truth, that so far was I from being influenced in my conduct by interest, or the consideration of office, that I would cheerfully resign the appointment I now hold; I would bind myself never to accept another, either under the general government or that of my own state: I would do more, sir, so destructive do I consider the present system to the happiness of my country, I would cheerfully sacrifice that share of property with which heaven has blessed a life of industry-I would reduce myself to indigence and poverty, and those who are dearer to me than my own existence I would entrust to the care and protection of that providence who hath so kindly protected myself, if on those terms only I could procure my country to reject those chains which are forged for it. OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION. Notes of the Secret Debates of the Federal Convention of 1787, taken by the late Hon. ROBERT YATES, Chief Justice of the State of New-York, and one of the Delegates from that State to the said Convention. FRIDAY, MAY 25, 1787. Attended the convention of the states, at the state house in Philadelphia, when the following states were NORTH-CAROLINA, Alexander Martin, William Richardson Davie, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson. SOUTH-CAROLINA, John Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinkney, Pierce Butler. A motion by R. Morris, and seconded, that General Washington take the chair-unanimously agreed to. When seated, he (Gen. Washington) declared, that as he never had been in such a situation, he felt himself embarrassed; that he hoped his errors, as they would be unintentional, would be excused. Mr. Hamilton, in behalf of the state of New-York, moved that Major Jackson be appointed secretary; the delegates for Pennsylvania, moved for Temple Franklin by a majority Mr. Jackson carried it-called in and took his scat. After which, the respective credentials of the seven states were read. N. B. That of Delaware restrained its delegates from assenting to an abolition of the fifth article of the confederation, by which it is declared that each state shall have one vote. Door keeper and messengers being appointed, the house adjourned to Monday the 28th day of May, at ten o'clock. MONDAY, MAY 28, 1787. Met pursuant to adjournment. A committee of three members, (whose appointment I omitted in the entry of the proceedings of Friday last,) reported a set of rules for the order of the convention; which being considered by articles, were agreed to, and additional ones proposed and referred to the same committee. The representation was this day increased to nine states-Massachusetts and Connecticut becoming represented. Adjourned to next day. TUESDAY, MAY 29th, 1787. The additional rules agreed to. Plan His excellency Governor Randolph, a member from Virginia, got up, and in a long and elaborate speech, shewed the defects in the system of the present federal government as totally inadequate to the peace, safety and security of the confederation, and the absolute necessity of a more energetic government. He closed these remarks with a set of resolutions, fifteen in number, which he proposed to the convention for their adoption, and as leading principles whereon to form a new government-He candidly confessed that they were not intended for a federal government—he meant a strong consolidated union, in which the idea of states should be nearly annihilated. [I have taken a copy of these resolutions, which are hereunto annexed.] He then moved that they should be taken up in committee of the whole house. Mr. C. Pinkney, a member from South-Carolina, then added, that he had reduced his ideas of a new government to a system, which he read, and confessed that it was grounded on the same principle as of the above resolutions. The house then resolved, that they would the next day form themselves into a committee of the whole, to take into consideration the state of the union. Adjourned to next day. WEDNESDAY, MAY 30th, 1787. Convention met pursuant to adjournment. The convention, pursuant to order, resolved itself into a committee of the whole-Mr. Gorham (a member from Massachusetts) appointed chairman. N |