aim at such a navy as the greater nations of Europe possess, would be a foolish and wicked waste of the energies of our countrymen. It would be to pull on our own heads that load of military expence which makes the European labourer go supperless to bed, and moistens his bread with the sweat of his brows. It will be enough if we enable ourselves to prevent insults from those nations of Europe which are weak on the sea, because circumstances exist, which render even the stronger ones weak as to us. Providence has placed their richest and most defenceless possessions at our door; has obliged their most precious commerce to pass, as it were, in review before us. To protect this, or to assail, a small part only of their naval force will ever be risqued across the Atlantic. The dangers to which the elements expose them here are too well known, and the greater dangers to which they would be ex- [321] posed at home were any general calamity to involve their whole fleet. They can attack us by detachment only; and it will suffice to make ourselves equal to what they may detach. Even a smaller force than they may detach will be rendered equal or superior by the quickness with which any check may be repaired with us, while losses with them will be irreparable till too late. A small naval force then is sufficient for us, and a small one is necessary. What this should be, I will not undertake to say. I will only say, it should by no means be so great as we are able to make it. Suppose the million dollars, or 300,000 pounds which Virginia could annually spare without distress, to be applied to the creating a navy. A single year's contribution would build, equip, man, and send to sea a force which should carry 300 guns. The rest of the confederacy, exerting themselves in the same proportion, would equip in the same time 1500 guns more. So that one year's contributions would set up a navy of 1800 guns. The British ships of the line average 76 guns; their frigates 38. 1800 guns then would form a fleet of 30 ships, 18 of which might [322] be of the line, and 12 frigates. Allowing 8 men, the British average, for every gun, their annual expence, including subsistance, cloathing, pay, and ordinary repairs, would be about 1280 dollars for every gun, or 2,304,000 dollars for the whole. I state this only as one year's possible exertion, without deciding whether more or less than a year's exertion should be thus applied. The value of our lands and slaves, taken conjunctly, doubles in about twenty years. This arises from the multiplication of our slaves, from the extension of culture, and increased demand for lands. The amount of what may be raised will of course rise in the same proportion. QUERY XXIII. The histories of the state, the memorials published in its name in the time of its being a colony, and the pamphlets relating to its interior or exterior affairs present or antient? Captain Smith, who next to Sir Walter Raleigh may be considered as the founder [323] of our colony, has written its history, from the first adventures to it till the year 1624. He was a member of the council, and afterwards president of the colony; and to his efforts principally may be ascribed its support against the opposition of the natives. He was honest, sensible, and well informed; but his style is barbarous and uncouth. His history, however, is almost the only source from which we derive any knowledge of the infancy of our State. The reverend William Stith, a native of Virginia, and president of its college, has also written the history of the same period, in a large octavo volume of small print. He was a man of classical learning, and very exact, but of no taste in style. He is inelegant, therefore, and his details often too minute to be tolerable, even to a native of the country, whose history he writes. Beverley, a native also, has run into the other extreme, he has comprised our history from the first propositions of Sir Walter Raleigh to the year 1700, in the hundredth part of the space which Stith employs for the fourth part of the period. [324] Sir William Keith has taken it up at its earliest period, and continued it to the year 1725. He is agreeable enough in style, and passes over events of little importance. Of course he is short, and would be preferred by a foreigner. During the regal government, some contest arose on the exaction of an illegal fee by governor Dinwiddie, and doubtless there. were others on other occasions not at present recollected. It is supposed that these are not sufficiently interesting to a foreigner to merit a detail. The petition of the council and burgesses of Virginia to the king, their memorials to the lords, and remonstrance to the commons in the year 1764, began the present contest: and these having proved ineffectual to prevent the passage of the stampact, the resolutions of the house of burgesses of 1765 were passed declaring the independance of the people of Virginia of the parliament of Great Britain, in matters of taxation. From that time till the declaration of independnce by Congress in 1776, their journals are filled with assertions of the public rights. [325] The pamphlets published in this State on the controverted question, were, 1766, An Inquiry into the rights of the British Colonies, by Richard Bland. 1769, The Monitor's Letters, by Dr. Arthur Lee. 1774, A summary View of the rights of British America.' 1774, Considerations &c., by Robert Carter Nicholas. Since the declaration of independance this State has had no controversy with any other, except with that of Pennsylvania, on their common boundary. Some papers on this subject passed between the executive and legislative bodies of the two states, the result of which was a happy accommodation of their rights. To this account of our historians, memorials and pamphlets, it may not be unuseful to add a chronological catalogue of Ameri can state-papers, as far as I have been able to collect their titles. It is far from being either complete or correct. Where the title alone, and not the paper itself, has come under my observation, I cannot an- [326] swer for the exactness of the date. Sometimes I have not been able to find any date at all, and sometimes have not been satisfied that such a paper exists. An extensive collection of papers of this description has been for some time in a course of preparation by a gentleman' fully equal to the task, and from whom, therefore, we may hope ere long to receive it. 1 By the author of these notes.-T. 7. See ante, 1, 421. 2 Mr. Hazard.-T. J. In the meantime accept this as the result of my labors, and as closing the tedious detail which you have so undesignedly drawn upon yourself. [327] Pro Johanne Caboto et filiis suis super terra incognita investi- Billa signata anno 13. Henrici septimi. 3. Hakluyt's voiages 5. Commission de François I. à Jacques Cartier pour l'establissement An act against the exaction of money, or any other thing, by any officer for license to traffique into Iseland and Newfoundland, made in An. 2. Edwardi sexti. 3. Hakl. 131. The letters-patent granted by her Majestie to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, knight, for the inhabiting and planting of our people in America. 3. Hakl. 135. Letters-patent of Queen Elizabeth to Adrian Gilbert and others [328] to discover the northwest passage to China. 3. Hakl. 96. The letters-patent granted by the Queen's majestie to M. Walter Raleigh, now knight, for the discovering and planting of new lands and countries, to continue the space of six years and no more. 3. Hakl. 243. An assignment by Sir Walter Raleigh for continuing the action of inhabiting and planting his people in Virginia. Hakl. Ist. ed. publ. in 1589. p. 815. Lettres de Lieutenant General de l'Acadie et pays circonvoisins pour le sieur de Monts. L'Escarbot. 417. Letters-patent to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers and others of America. Stith. Apend. No. 1. An ordinance and constitution enlarging the council of the two colonies in Virginia and Amer- [329]ica, and augmenting their authority, M. S. The second charter to the treasurer and company for Virginia, erecting them into a body politick. Stith. Ap. 2. Letters-patents to the E. of Northampton, granting part of the A third charter to the treasurer and company for Virginia. Stith. A commission to Sir Walter Raleigh. Qu. Commissio specialis concernens le garbling herbæ Nocotianæ. 17. A proclamation for restraint of the disordered trading of tobacco. A grant of New-England to the council of Plymouth. A grant of Nova Scotia to Sir William Alexander. 2. Mem. de A proclamation prohibiting interloping and disorderly trading to De commissione speciali Willelmo Jones militi directa. 17. Rym. A grant to Sir Edmund Ployden, of New Albion. Mentioned in De commissione Henrico vicecomiti Mandevill et aliis. 17. Rym. De commissione speciali concernenti gubernationem in Virginia. 17. Rym. 618. A proclamation concerning tobacco. 17. Rym. 621. De concessione demiss, Edwardo Ditchfield et aliis. 17. Rym. 633. [331] A proclamation for the utter prohibiting the importation and use of all tobacco which is not of the proper growth of the colony of Virginia and the Somer islands, or one of them. 17. Rym. 668. De commissione directa Georgio Yardeley militi et aliis. 18. Rym. 311. Proclamatio de herba Nicotianâ. 18. Rym. 19. A proclamation for settlinge the plantation of Virginia. 18. Rym. A grant of the soil, barony, and domains of Novia Scotia to Sir Commissio directa a Johanni Wolstenholme militi et aliis. 18. A proclamation touching tobacco. Rym. 848. A grant of Massachusetts bay by the council of Plymouth to Sir De concessione commissionis specialis proconcilio in Virginia. 18. De proclamatione de signatione de tobacco. 18. Rym. 886. De proclamatione pra ordinatione de tobacco. 18 Rym. 920. crown. The capitulation of Quebec. Champlain pert. 2. 216. 2. Mem. A proclamation concerning tobacco. 19. Rym. 235. |