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annual meetings. The charter contained no reservation as to any of the powers appurtenant to a political community strictly independent, except that the local legislature could make no laws “contrary to the laws and statutes of the realm of England;”—a provision which had little practical significance, inasmuch as no obligation was imposed as to annulling laws objectionable in this respect, or transmitting laws to England for examination. It was not even enjoined that the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy should be taken in the Colony, though two Assistants were to be empowered to administer them." Winthrop was backed by powerful friends. He possessed singular qualifications for the business with which he was charged; and he applied himself to it with zealous diligence. With the pliancy which made part of his graceful character, he overcame the disgust that must have possessed him in approaching those whose savage revenge had just brought sorrow into his own home,” and, remembering only that he was the Governor and the envoy of Connecticut, solicited personal good-will in every quarter where it might serve her interests.” These facts, however, afford but an insufficient explanation of the extraordinary result of his endeavors. We are still left to inquire how it could be that a wary and arbitrary minister, who, in the new zeal of office, was gathering into his master's hands all power that could be seized, was brought to make a formal grant of what almost amounted to colonial independence. It must have been obvious to Lord Clarendon, that, in the prosecution of his schemes of encroachment upon New England, the Confederacy was the power by which he was to be embarrassed. It followed, that to disturb the arrangements of that league, and sow dissension among its members, was a method altogether to his purpose. Massachusetts was by far the most powerful of the confederated Colonies, and was likely to be found the most refractory. A ready way to disable her was to raise up a rival power, and provide occasions of jealousy between them; and, to effect this, the natural course was to enlarge Connecticut, between which Colony and Massachusetts there had hitherto been differences, and to create that enlargement by methods which Massachusetts would have to disapprove. Thus favored on the one hand, and obstructed on the other, Connecticut would be likely to be secured to the royal interest. The incorporation of New Haven into that Colony, by which the requisite enlargement would be obtained, would be attended with other results satisfactory to the watchful minister. By the union, New Haven, which, like Massachusetts, attached the civil franchise to church-membership, would be deprived of that defence against the encroachments of prelacy. New Haven had given grievous displeasure at court by sheltering the regicides. The disappointment, the humiliation,—the disadvantages and losses, whatever they might be, – of being struck out of existence as a separate community, might well seem to such eyes a fitting punishment. Whether it was that Winthrop easily consented, or that Lord Clarendon absolutely insisted, the charter offered no choice to New Haven respecting the termination of its political life. Winthrop represented Connecticut, and was zealous for its interests. Having begun his public career as the agent of its patentees, he may still have regarded the New-Haven people as a sort of trespassers upon their land." And, at a time when Connecticut and New Haven were at issue respecting the exclusive policy which connected the franchise with church-membership.” he may naturally have desired to diminish, in the Confederacy, that influence of which New Haven, even more than Massachusetts, was the devoted champion. But he was now Chief Magistrate of one of the Colonies united in a Confederacy, which in its very existence implied the independence of New Haven, and in its articles of agreement recognized and guarantied that independence. He had no authority to act for New Haven in anything, — least of all to stipulate for its extinction as a body politic. When he was about to embark, in reply to the expression, by “a friend” (Mr. Davenport), of fears of “so unrighteous an act, as so far to extend the line that the Colony of New Haven should be involved within it,” he gave and reiterated the assurance, “that no such thing was intended, but rather the contrary;” and that, in case the old patent, of which the royal confirmation was to be sought, should be found to include New Haven, yet that “Colony should be at liberty to join or not.” He renewed these assurances when the charter had passed the seals, and appealed to the General Court to respect his pledge.” But he must have known, throughout the transaction, that, the charter once executed, his personal control over it would cease, and that in all probability, much esteemed as he was, his remonstrances would be to extremely little purpose. The signed and sealed parchment was not his. It went at once into the hands of men, who, however they would have respected their own scruples, did not feel bound to respect the scruples of another person, and did feel bound to advance the greatness of Connecticut. It may have been some misgiving, on the agent's part, as to the position in which he was about to be placed, that occasioned delay in the transmission of this important paper. After nearly four months, during which time, in both Colonies, the elections had been made, and the government had proceeded as usual, the Annale: arrival of the charter was first publicly made o. known at the annual meeting of the Federal land. Commissioners, which this year was held at Bos- ** ton. The Commissioners for New Haven, who appeared in their place, and acted throughout the session, may have been taken by surprise. They left this certificate on the margin of the Journal: “We cannot as yet say that the procurement of this patent will be acceptable to us or our Colony.”” In Connecticut, at a General Court held the next month, it was received with great joy, and was committed to the custody of three leading citizens, who were bound by an oath to keep it safely. The . Court passed votes to “declare all the laws and ..., orders of the Colony to stand in full force and the charter. virtue,” and to “establish all officers, both civil Oct. 9. and military, in their respective places and power as formerly.” Then they proceeded at once to exercise the extraordinary powers with which they were newly invested. Not waiting for action on the part of New Haven, they received the submission, not only of Southhold, a town of that Colony, which acted in the case in its corporate capacity, but also of a minority of the inhabitants of Guilford, Greenwich, and Stamford.” They sent a notice to West Chester, within the Dutch territory, of their claim to that plantation. They ordered “that the inhab

* The Charter is in Hazard, II. 597. his brother Stephen, was the person to

* In some letters of Roger Williams to Winthrop, Hugh Peter is called the “father” of the latter, — probably because Winthrop married the stepdaughter of Peter. (Savage's Winthrop, I., Pref., v., vi.)

* Mather had been told (Magnalia, Book II. Chap. XI. § 5) that he secured the royal favor by means of a ring given to his grandfather by King Charles the First. But better evidence is necessary to make it probable that the parent who reared the first Governor of Massachusetts was ever on such terms with the second English Stuart. — Another story has gained credit, that John Winthrop the younger, or

WOL. II. 46

whom a letter was addressed (April 6 or 8, 1660) by the hand of Charles the Second, just before his restoration, thanking him for “many good offices” in promoting that event. The letter, which has been transmitted in the family of Winthrop, is without a direction ; and its history is lost. I think there can be little doubt, that it came into their possession merely as a curious autograph, having been addressed to some one of the numerous partisans and agents of the exiled prince in England. Stephen Winthrop, who, in the Protector's time, had commanded a regiment, and served in Parliament, had died a year before the date of this

letter; and John Winthrop (not to
refer to other reasons putting him out
of the question) was then beyond the
sea, in Connecticut. (See Savage's
Winthrop, I. 126.)
In Thurloe's State Papers (I. 763;
comp. Mass. Hist. Coll., XXI. 185) is a
letter of John Maidston, which awakens
the reader's curiosity. It was written
in London, in March, 1660, to Win-
throp, then in Connecticut. It covers
in print five large folio pages, and
gives an account of the movements of
the popular party in England, from the
time of the first session of the Long

Parliament to the beginning of the
year of the Restoration. It is in reply
to a letter from Winthrop; and its
tenor is such as to suggest the possi-
bility that Winthrop had had some
misgivings about the correctness of the
past course of the patriot party, or, at
least, had felt himself not to be suf-
ficiently possessed of their case to be a
confident champion of it, and had ap-
plied to his friend (whose letter shows
him to have been a man of superior
sense and knowledge) for the benefit
of his information and judgment.

* Connecticut now claimed to be, by virtue of the arrangement with Fenwick, the proprietor of the lands which had been conveyed by patent to Lord Brooke, Lord Say and Sele, and their associates; and it was a portion of those lands that the New-Haven people had occupied. The year before Winthrop went to England, a measure adopted by the town of New Haven to extend its border to the east, gave occasion to Connecticut to revive her claim with some formality. The Secretary of the latter Colony wrote to the New-Haven Magistrates, expressing the dissatisfaction of his government, and proceeding so far as to say: “We conceive you cannot be ignorant of our real and true right to those

parts of the country where you are
seated, both by conquest, purchase,
and possession; and that, though hith-
erto we have been silent, and alto-
gether forborne to make any absolute
challenge to our own, as before, yet
now we see a necessity at least to re-
vive the memorial of our right and in-
terest,” &c. The General Court of
New Haven raised a committee (May
29, 1661) “for the treating with, and
issuing of any seeming difference be-
twixt Connecticut Colony and this; ”
and here, so far as I know, the busi-
ness slept, till it presented itself in a
new form after the arrival of the char-
ter. See N. H. Rec., II. 409, 410.
* See above, p. 491.

* “New Haven's Case Stated,” Art. Leete desired a union when Winthrop 10 (N. H. Rec., II. 521; comp. 467, went to England, and acquainted him note). — Yet, in the answer to this with that wish. paper (Ibid., 533, 536), it is said that “Ibid., 523.

* It had probably just then arrived. * Records, &c., in Hazard, II. 467. A letter from the Connecticut General * Conn. Rec., I. 384 – 388. — SouthCourt to the Commissioners, in the hold and Stamford had long borne unweek before their meeting, says noth- easily the yoke of New-Haven Colony. ing of the charter, but intimates that See N. H. Rec., II. 17, 23, 51, 59–65, important intelligence from England 92–96, 143, 177, &c. was expected. (Conn. Rec., I. 384.)

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