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regulation of traffic with the Indians. D'Ailleboust reion vived this intercourse by sending Druillettes “to * treat with the Massachusetts and Plymouth Colonies about a league offensive and defensive.” The proposal, it was hoped, would find the more favor on account of the relation sustained by Plymouth, through its colony upon the Kennebec, to the Abenaquis, who, it was alleged, were in danger of an invasion from the Mohawks." The messenger was told that nothing could be done till the next annual meeting of the Federal Commissioners. He came again in the following year, accompanied by a colleague, named John Godefroy, a member of the Council of New France. To the Commissioners, convened at New Haven, they represented that the war in which they desired military aid had been provoked by the perfidy and cruelty of the Mohawks; that the Abenaquis, who were now threatened with invasion, were Christian converts; and that an interruption of the trade with them would be a prejudice alike to English and French. They urged the New-England Colonies to “join in the war.” But if that were refused, they requested “that the French might have liberty to take up volunteers in the English jurisdiction, and be furnished with victuals for that service; at least, that they might pass through the Colonies by water and land as occasion should require.” In a letter “to the Governor and Council of New France,” the Commissioners declined all these Refusal of aid proposals. They said that “the English engaged on roman not in any war before they had full and satisfy-o." ing evidence, that, in all respects and considera- †. tions, it was just, and before peace upon just terms had been offered and refused ; ” that the Mohawks had done them no harm, but, on the contrary, had “shown a real respect to them” during their quarrel with the Pequots; and that to permit the passage of a foreign force through their country would be to “expose both the Christian and other Indians, and some of the small English plantations, to danger.” In these circumstances, they said, they must await “a fitter season" for a treaty of commerce, since the envoys had no authority to make it except in connection with an alliance."

cation made by D'Ailleboust in 1650,
in which it does not appear that Marie
was employed, with the visits of Marie
to Boston, in the service of D'Aulnay,
in 1644 and 1646, in the former of
which he had “proffered terms of peace
and amity.” (See above, 149, 201.)
Charlevoix says (II. 6, sub an. 1648):
“A peu près dans le même tems que
ceci se passait chez les Hurons, on vit
arriver a Quebec, non sans quelque
étonnement, un envoyé de la Nouvelle
Angleterre, chargé de proposer une
alliance éternelle entre les deux Colo-
nies, indépendemment detoutes les rup-
tures qui pourraient survenir entre les
deux couronnes. M. d'Ailleboust trou-
va la proposition avantageuse, et de
l'avis de son Conseil députa a Boston
le P. Druillettes en qualité de plénipo-
tentiare, pour conclure et signer le
traité; mais a condition que les Anglais
se joindraient a nous pour faire la
guerre aux Iroquois.”
I presume that Charlevoix had been
misinformed respecting the arrival of an
envoy from New England at Quebec,
and respecting the offer of a “perpet-
ual alliance,” or that he had made in-

correct inferences from a letter of the
French Council at Quebec to the New-
England Commissioners, which he pro-
ceeds to quote, and which, with the
exception of one other paper, also cited
by him, he declares to be the only doc-
ument which he had been able to dis-
cover relating to the business. As to
an overture from New England, the
letter says no more than that “ily a
déjà quelques années, que messieurs
de Baston nous ont proposé de lier le
commerce entre la Nouvelle France et
la Nouvelle Angleterre.” The other
paper, which is a record of the ap-
pointment of Druillettes and Godefroy
(ibid., 10), refers only to advances for
a commercial arrangement, made “by
letters of the year 1647.”
* The reader scarcely needs to be
reminded that the Five Nations, other-
wise known by the collective name of
Iroquois, were the Senecas, Cayugas,
Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks.
The Mohawks being nearest to the
New-Englanders, the whole confeder-
acy to which they belonged is constant-
ly called by their name in the New-
England documents.

* Records, &c., in Hazard, II. 182– lettes, during his first visit to Boston,

185 ; Hutch. Coll., 239–242; comp. Charlevoix, II, 6–11. “It was expecting too much,” says Charlevoix, “from the English, to suppose that they would engage in a war with the Iroquois, when they were so distant from that confederacy as to be in no danger from it, and were engrossed by their agriculture and commerce.”

A copy of a journal kept by Druil

has lately been discovered at Montreal among some papers belonging to the Jesuit Mission, and has been printed through the liberality of Mr. James Lenox, of New York. In September, 1650, Druillettes came from Quebec to Norridgewock, on the Kennebec, about thirty leagues from the mouth of that river, and half that distance above the highest Plymouth factory, at what is

Meanwhile the dispute between the western Colonies and the New-Netherlanders seemed to have been brought to an amicable issue." The hope of settling it by an agreement between the mother countries had been abandoned, in consequence of their estrangement from each other after the execution of King Charles. His fugitive sons were harbored by their brother-in-law, the Prince of Orange; Dorislaus, an envoy of the Parliament, was murdered at the Hague by some royalists, who escaped punishment; the Dutch ambassador was refused audience at London; and for the present the two nations were without diplomatic communication.” In these circumstances, the West-India Company instructed their Governor of New Netherland to “live with his neighbors on as good terms as possible.” Some negotiation followed, with a view to a conference between the parties; but the preliminaries could not be adjusted. The Commissioners took no pains to promote it, and showed their confidence in themselves by forbidding, under pain of a confiscation of goods, “all per- ico. sons but such as were inhabitants within the *** English jurisdictions, and subject to their laws and government,” to trade with the Indians within those jurisdictions." At length Stuyvesant decided to waive ceremony, and make a strenuous effort to bring about a better state of things. He came to Hartford while the Federal visitor Commissioners were in session there, and after ...". two days addressed to them a letter, which, how- 1650. ever, he dated at “New Netherland.” The Com- * * missioners replied that they could not treat with him till the pretension thus implied was retracted. His next note, and others which followed, bore the date of “Connecticut; ” and in this the Commissioners acquiesced, while their own letters were dated at “Hartford.” The Dutch Governor opened his business by complaining of various injuries done to his countrymen, of which the chief was the “unjust usurpation and possessing the land lying upon the river commonly called Connecticut or the Fresh River.” Of this land he frankly “desired a full surrender.” He proposed an arrangement for the restoration of fugitives, and a repeal of the law forbidding Dutchmen to trade with Indians within the Colonies; and he extended his letter by the mention of some minor causes of offence. The reply of the Commissioners asserted the English title to the lands on the Connecticut, as derived from “patent, purchase, and possession.” It treated lightly the other matters of complaint, and expressed the opinion that, when the question of territory should be disposed of, “a due consideration might be had of fugitives, and how to settle a right understanding and neighborly correspondency.” Stuyvesant proceeded to argue his case with zeal; but he saw that he had adversaries not less pertinacious or well prepared than himself, and that a different expedient must be tried. Varying a little the terms of his former offer of an arbitration, he proposed that the Commissioners should “delegate two indifferent persons out of the Colonies of Boston and Plymouth,” who, with two referees to be in like manner named by himself, should pass a final judgment on the matters in controversy. The offer was accepted, after an explanation of some of its phraseology, which had given offence. Simon Bradstreet and Thomas Prince were appointed arbitrators on the part of the Confederacy; and Thomas Willett and George Baxter, English residents at New Amsterdam, on the part of the Dutch. And they were empowered, by formal commissions, to consider, and conclude upon terms for, – “1. A composing of differences; 2. A provisional limit of land; 3. A course concerning fugitives; 4. A neighborly union.” Their award was made on the day after the issue of their commissions. In all its particulars it disallowed sumn, the claim of the Dutch. It decreed that, as to ... fugitives, “the same way and course should be to: observed betwixt the English of the United Colonies and the Dutch within the province of New Netherland,” as was prescribed for the Colonies by the eighth article of their confederation. “The proposition of a nearer union of friendship and amity betwixt the English and Dutch nation in these parts, especially

Relations to New Netherland.

now Augusta. (Narré du Voyage faict pour la Mission des Abnaquious, &c., 1, 2.) Still travelling by land to Maremiten (Merry-Meeting Bay), he there took to the water. On the 5th of December, he was off Kepane (Cape Ann), and in three days more reached Boston. Here he was received by “MajorGeneral Gebin” (Gibbons), who carried his hospitality so far that, writes the journalist, “he gave me the key of an apartment in his house, where I might

freely pray and go through the services'

of my religion; and he besought me to
make his house my home while I con-
tinued at Boston.”
Gibbons took him to wait upon Gov-
ernor Dudley, at “a village called
Roqsbray [Roxbury]." The Governor
(though an old French soldier) had to
employ an interpreter in mastering his
letter of credence. (Ibid., 6–8.) Endi-
cott, whom he visited the next month,
was more accessible. “I went to Sa-
lem to speak to the Sieur Indicott, who
speaks and understands French well,
and is a good friend of the nation, and
very desirous to have his children en-
tertain this sentiment. Finding I had
no money, he supplied me, and gave
me an invitation to the Magistrates'
table.” (Ibid., 15.) At Plymouth,

John Brentford (Governor Bradford)
entertained him at a dinner of fish, in
consideration of the day being Friday.
Returning as far as Roxbury, he was
there the guest of “Maistre Heliot
[John Eliot],” who invited him to stay
and pass the winter. (Ibid., 10, 11.)
Druillettes left Boston in a coasting
vessel, January 5th, 1651, and in five
weeks disembarked on the Kennebec,
where “the English received him with
every mark of affection.” (Ibid., 14,
19.) He had come home with a con-
viction that Plymouth would zealously
promote a war with the Iroquois for

, the safety of her Abenaqui protégés,

and that Massachusetts would at least permit the enlistment of volunteers, as she had done in the case of La Tour. (Ibid., 20, 22.) As to the temper of Plymouth, he was especially in error. (Plym. Rec., II. 169.)

Some of his observations on the route are interesting, though they are not to be entirely relied upon. “Four thousand men,” he says, “can be raised in the single colony of Boston. There are at least forty thousand souls in the four Colonies.” (Ibid., 27.)

* See above, p. 204.

* Basnage, Annales des Provinces Unies, I. 141, 145.

* Records, &c., in Hazard, II. 134; N. H. Rec., 530 – 586.

Sept. 15

* Records, &c., in Hazard, II. 154 – 159.

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