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Still earlier, by individual enterprise, an experiment of the same nature had been made on an island, near to Massachusetts, which had lately come under the jurisdiction of that Colony." Thomas Mayhew, and his son, of the same name, had gone from Watertown to Martha's Vineyard, for which they had obtained a patent from the Earl of Stirling.” The deplorable condition of the natives among whom they lived attracted their benevolent attention. One after another of the savages listened to their exhibitions of Christianity.” One in particular, named Hiacoomes, was thought to give unquestionable evidence of genuine conversion to God by his edifying discourse and holy life and conversation.* The younger Mayhew found himself presently employed in missionary work, and in a few years he could say: “There are now, by the grace of

The Mayhews at Martha's Wineyard.

1650.

*** God, thirty-nine Indian men of this meeting, besides women that are looking this way, which we suppose to exceed the number of the men.” There were not wanting those who shared but faintly in the enthusiasm excited by these proceedings. “Some thought that all this work was done and acted thus by the Indians to please the English, and for applause from them;” and the most favorable judges were not without fear, that “there had been some coolings among the best.” But it was undeniable that “we find it so also among many people, that are English, in their first work;” and gratitude and hope predominated. Intelligence of what was taking place was forwarded without delay to England, where it was received with delight. Wilson, minister of Boston, hastened to send an account to Winslow, then in London; and by the care o Ward, lately minister of Ipswich, it was at once brought before the public through the press.” Shepard, minister of Cambridge, sent further information; and it was thought of such importance, that twelve ministers, of the most eminent in England, and representing both sects, Presbyterians and Independents, provided for

him, or any other in that Colony that I
can hear of, with being instrumental to
convert any of those Indians.” (His-
torical Collections of the Indians, Chap.
X. § 4, in Mass. Hist. Coll., I, 141 et seq.
Comp. Cotton, Way of the Churches
Cleared, &c., 78–82.)
* Records, &c., in Hazard, II. 18.
* The elder Mayhew came from
Southampton, in England, and was
admitted a freeman of Massachusetts
May 14, 1634 (Mass. Rec., I. 369),
being then forty-one or forty-two years
old. His name has the prefix of Mr.
in the record, given to very few of the
large number who then took the free-
man's oath. He was a Deputy from
Watertown in the General Court in
1636, and for some years after. Thomas
Mayhew, Jr. was thirteen or fourteen
years old, when he came with his fa-
ther to America.
In the distribution which the Council
for New England made of its lands
just before its dissolution, in 1685 (see

Vol. I. 400; Hubbard, 228), the Earl
of Stirling received a grant of “Pema-
quid and its dependencies on the coast
of Maine, together with Long Island
and the adjacent islands.” Mayhew
bought Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard,
and the Elizabeth Isles, in 1641, of
James Forrett, Lord Stirling's agent.
Sir Ferdinando Gorges also set up a
claim to this property, which Mayhew
had to quiet by a further payment.
He established himself in Martha's
Vineyard in 1644, his son having gone
thither a year or two before. (Hough,
Papers relating to the Island of Nan-
tucket, &c., ix–xii, 1-6.) It must
have been by virtue of his ownership
of the soil that Mayhew felt authorized
to submit his islands to the government
of Massachusetts.
* Letter of Thomas Mayhew, in Glo-
rious Progress, &c., 8–5; comp. Expe-
rience Mayhew, Indian Converts, &c.,
1 - 12.
* Light Appearing, &c., 1, 3–6.

Interest excited in England.

1647.

an edition of it, in which,

by an address under their names to the “Lords and Commons assembled in High Court of Parliament,” and another “to the godly and well affected of the kingdom of England,” they commended the object of evangelizing the natives of New England to the patronage of the State and of private Christians. They said they now saw the reason why their exiled brethren had remained in America, “when providences invited their return; ” it was because God had resolved, “if he cannot have an England here, he can have an England there.” Winslow diligently availed himself of all the intelligence of this movement which came to his hands; and with such effect, that Parliament instructed the Commisloss sioners for Foreign Plantations “to prepare and ** bring in an Ordinance for the Encouragement and Advancement of Learning and Piety in New England.” But matters of more pressing interest intervened, and for the present nothing was done. The more positive and circumstantial communications, which successively came over, encouraged another attempt. Winslow published a collection of them, with an address to “The Parliament of England and the Council of State,” which secured so, or their favorable attention; and an Ordinance was : passed “for the Promoting and Propagating of so the Gospel of Jesus Christ in New England.” It constituted a Corporation in England, to consist of a President, a Treasurer, and fourteen Assistants, with authority to hold “any lands, tenements, or hereditaments, in England or Wales, not exceeding two thousand pounds per annum, and any goods and sums of money whatsoever.” It ordained that “a general collection should be made in and through all the counties, cities, towns, and parishes of England and Wales, for a charitable contribution to be as the foundation of so pious and great an undertaking.” And it directed “that the Commissioners of the United Colonies of New England in New England, or such as they should appoint, should have power to receive and dispose of the moneys brought in and paid to the Treasurers for the time being, or any other moneys, and goods and commodities, delivered by the care of the said Corporation at any time, in such manner as should best and principally conduce to the preaching and propagating of the Gospel amongst the natives, and the maintenance of schools and nurseries of learning for the education of the children of the natives.”” While Massachusetts thus sought the aid of the government and people of England in her endeavors to civilize and evangelize the Indians, she made no communication to Parliament respecting her intercourse with American subjects of the Continental States of Europe. Her foreign relations she preferred to keep strictly under her own charge, and the charge of the Confederacy which confided much to her discretion. Her French neighbors at the east had not yet ceased to be troublesome. D’Aulnay, blockading La Tour's strong-hold, at St. John, took a Boston vessel which was carrying provisions for the relief of that post, and treated o. her crew with severity. The Magistrates sent 1915. to him a letter of remonstrance, replying, at the same time, to one received from him, in which, in arrogant terms, he had charged them with a breach of the neutrality lately agreed upon.” It was probably while the letter from Massachusetts was on its way, that D'Aulnay took his rival's fort in an assault ** assisted by treachery from within, and put the garrison to the sword. La Tour was absent at the time on a third visit to Boston. His spirited wife, who had defended the fort with heroism, “died within three weeks after.” His great loss of property fell heavily upon the Boston merchants, to whom he was largely indebted.” He went to Newfoundland, in hope of assistance from the English governor, but “returned to Boston again by the vessel which carried him, and all the next winter was entertained by Mr. Samuel Maverick at Noddle's Island.” His last dealings with his Boston friends were matter of strong resentment. They fitted him out for a voyage to the eastward, “with trading commodities to the value of four hundred pounds.” With his retinue of Frenchmen, he rose upon the English part of the crew, and set them on shore in the winter on the wild coast about Cape Sable; “whereby,” says the disappointed Winthrop, who to his own cost had been his patron, “it appeared, as the Scripture saith, that there is no confidence in an unfaithful or carnal man. Though tied with many strong bonds of courtesy, &c., he turned pirate, &c.” Meanwhile the Federal Commissioners had taken up

* Letter to Henry Whitfield, in “Light Appearing,” &c., 12. — “The way that I am now in, through the grace of God, for the carrying on of this great work, is by a Lecture every fortnight, whereunto both women and children do come; and, first, I pray with them, teach them, catechize their children, sing a psalm, and all in their own language. I confer every last day of the week with Hiacoomes, about his subject-matter of preaching to the Indians the next day, when I furnish him with what spiritual food the Lord is pleased to afford me for them.” (Ibid., 13.) — Eliot also particularly describes his own method: “First, I catechize the children and youth ; . . . . . Sec

ondly, I preach unto them out of some
texts of Scripture; Thirdly, if
there be any occasion, we in the next
place go to admonition and censure;
- - - - - Fourthly, the last exercise, you
know, we have among them, is their
asking us questions.” (Clear Sunshine,
&c., 20, 23.) Many of these questions
were thought to indicate a shrewdness
and sense on the part of the inquirers,
which the cooler modern reader of the
record scarcely discerns in them.
* Clear Sunshine, &c., 31, 37.
* This tract (the “Day-Breaking.”
&c.) brings down the narrative to Dec.
9, 1646 (p.24). Winslow, sailing “about
the middle” of that month (Winthrop,
IL 317), perhaps took it with him.

* Clear Sunshine, &c., Epistle Dedi- ment on the subject, in a memorial apcatory, and Epistle to the Reader. proved by a large number of English

* Four or five years before, William divines. It is in Hazard, I. 527. Castell, “Parson of Courtenhall in * Glorious Progress, &c., Epistle Northampton,” had addressed Parlia- Dedicatory.

* The Ordinance is in Hazard, I. 635. England Colonies, by the actual govThe reader of it will not overlook, in the ernment of England. Fourth Article, the formal recognition * Winthrop, II. 217, 218. — It seems of the Confederacy of the four New- from D’Aulnay's letter (for which see

Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVII. 102), that it
was written (“from Port Royal, the
last of March") in reply to a letter
from the Governor, of which Mr. Ha-
thorne had been the bearer.
* Haliburton (History of Nova Sco-
tia, I. 58, 59) says that D'Aulnay put
the garrison to the sword, in violation
of articles of capitulation, and that he
treated Madame La Tour with insult-
ing cruelty. But I do not so read
the earlier authorities.
* La Tour's mortgage deed to Major-
General Gibbons is in Hazard, I. 541.
Winthrop says that by Gibbons's loss
on this occasion he was “quite undone.”

(II. 237,238.) It amounted to “more
than 2,500 pounds.”

* Winthrop, II, 247, 248; comp. Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVII. 105 – 108.

* Winthrop, II. 266. His sun, however, had not gone down. (Bella gerant alii; tu, felir Austria, nube.) D'Aulnay, while out, fishing, in a boat, was frozen to death, May 24, 1650. LaTour, wherever he had been roving meanwhile, presently reappeared, and, marrying his widow, was reinstated in position and property. Garneau says (I. 151) that La Tour, during part of this interval, had been hunting for furs on Hudson's Bay.

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