relation to the Indians, of their solicitude for the safety of the State. The charge upon which it was resolved to arraign him and his associates was that of being "blasphemous enemies to the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ and all his holy ordinances, and also to all civil authority among the people of God, and particularly in this jurisdiction." And specifications to the number of six in the former case, and of more than fifty in the latter, were produced from their writings and speeches." Abundant as might be the proof of the latter of these two offences, there still remained the difficulty of finding in the code a punishment for it as severe as the actual exigency seemed to require, whether for repression or for example. The proof of the charge of blasphemy, respecting which there was no such difficulty, accordingly made a great part of the proceedings in the Court. Gorton ill served his cause by the repetition of an "appeal to the State of Old England; unto which the Governor made answer, as also Master John Endicott, DeputyGovernor; and bade Gorton never dream or think of any such thing, for no appeal should be granted unto him."3 "To their plea of persecution for their conscience, &c., it was answered, that we did not meddle with them for their opinions otherwise than that they had given us occasion by their own letters and free speeches amongst us; for we wrote to them about civil controversies only."* "To their plea that they were not within our jurisdiction, it was answered,- 1. If they were not within ours, yet they were within the jurisdiction of one of our confederates [Plymouth], who had referred them to us; 2. If they were within no jurisdiction, then was there none to complain to for redress of our injuries in way of ordinary justice, and then we had no way of relief but by force of 1 Mass. Rec., II. 51. 2 Hypocrisie Unmasked, 38 - 51. 4 Simplicitie's Defence, 55. arms." and punishment of Gor associates. Nov. 3. After a tedious process and several examinations, Gorton was found guilty, and was sentenced, Conviction during the pleasure of the Court, " to be confined to Charlestown, there to be set on work, and to ton and his wear such bolts or irons as might hinder his escape," and to forbear from publishing "any of the blasphemous or abominable heresies wherewith he hath been charged," on penalty of death; - a penalty which, as he learned, he had already escaped by only a majority of two votes. Six of his companions, under the same conviction, were in like manner confined in as many different towns. Waterman was bound over for a future appearance, should it be required. Waddell, " an ignorant young man," was only ordered to remain at Watertown. Power was released, having "denied that he set his hand to the first book." A party was sent to Shawomet "to fetch so many of their cattle as might defray the charges." 4 The severity of the sentence occasioned popular dissatisfaction; and whether from this cause, as Gorton supposed, or because it was considered that the exigency was passed, or because there was danger of their raising a party, or because it was hoped that the excitement among the Narragansetts, and accordingly the danger from intrigue with them, had become less, the Their disprisoners were released after four or five months by an order of the General Court, with a threat March 7. 1 Ibid., 5; comp. 74. The truth is, that, while the charter of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts invested them with a defined territory, along with certain rights against encroachment from the King, they never regarded it and there is no reason why they should as barring them from other rights which they might acquire otherwise and elsewhere. They had the same title, on all the same grounds, to the lands of Shawomet, as the people of Providence, or of Rhode Island, or of Connecticut, or of New 1644. Haven, had to country which they respectively occupied; a title founded on a cession by the previous native proprietors. Win 2 Simplicitie's Defence, 64. throp says (II. 146) that all but three of the Magistrates were for a sentence of death. The Deputies stood out. Mass. Rec., II. 52-54; Winthrop, II. 142-147; Hypocrisie Unmasked, 5-9; Simplicitie's Defence, 51-65. 4 Winthrop, II. 148. 5 Simplicitie's Defence, 74. of death in case, after fourteen days, they should be found "in the Massachusetts, or in or near Providence, or any of the lands of Pomham or Sacononoco." 1 To await their friends, as they said, some of them met at Boston, whence, by a warrant from the Governor, they were summoned to depart within two hours. They reassembled in their old home, where John Warner, "Secretary, by the order of the government of Shawomet," wrote to Winthrop to inquire whether the General Court could have meant that place by "the lands of Pomham and Sacononoco;" and receiving his reply that it was so, they retired to. Rhode Island.2 March 26. April 1. The next step showed their resolution, their capacity for business, and that power of theirs which it had been thought so important to subdue. The neighboring Narragansetts, seeing the "Gortonoges," as they called them, return unharmed from their transportation to Massachusetts, were ready to believe that they were under the protection of a superior power, and that "the great people that were in Old England would come over and put them to death that should take away their lives without a just cause." Encouraging, and availing themselves of, this impression, six or seven of Gorton's party crossed over to the mainland, and succeeded in concludthe Narra ing a treaty with Canonicus, Mixan (his son), and Pessacus (brother and successor of Miantonomo), the King. to no less effect than that of a complete cession of the Narragansett people and territory "unto the protection, care, and government of that worthy and royal prince, Charles, King of Great Britain and Ireland, Cession of gansett country to 1 April 19. Simplicitie's Defence, 74; Winthrop, II. 148, 156; Mass. Rec., II. 57. When they were imprisoned, they were threatened with death, if they should continue to vent their "blasphemous and abominable heresies." Some of them did continue to vent those heresies with great diligence and passion. And then they were sent out of the jurisdiction, with a threat of death if they should return. It was easier to make such a threat than to execute or to mean it, whatever want of dignity there may have been in attempting to influence by a false alarm. Simplicitie's Defence, 76-79. his heirs and successors for ever." In the instrument of surrender, evidently composed for their signature by English hands, the savages declared that they took this course "upon condition of his Majesty's royal protection," and because of having "just cause of jealousy and suspicion of some of his Majesty's pretended subjects;" and they certified that they had "made choice of four of his loyal and loving subjects, our trusty and well-beloved friends, Samuel Gorton, John Wickes, Randall Holden, and John Warner, whom we have deputed and made our lawful attorneys and commissioners, not only for the acting and performing of this our deed in the behalf of his Highness, but also for the safe custody, careful conveyance, and declaration hereof unto his Grace." 1 May 24. Under the same dictation, as is evident from the topics and style, Canonicus and Pessacus addressed a letter to the General Court of Massachusetts, refusing an invitation to present themselves there in person; animadverting on the fate of Miantonomo ; declaring their purpose to avenge it on Uncas, who, they alleged, had taken a ransom for his life; and announcing their "being subjects now [for the opportunity for a taunt was not to be lost] unto the same King and State yourselves are," to whom, in case of any difference, it would accordingly be fit "for both of us to have recourse."2 A letter presently followed from John Warner, who called himself Secretary to "the Commissioners put in Trust for the further Publication of the Solemn Act" of the Narragansetts in their cession to the King. It confirmed the statement of that cession, and threatened the Massachusetts people with the vengeance of the King and of the Mohawks, should they presume to interfere. The General Court sent two mes June 20. 1 Simplicitie's Defence, 79–84; R. I. Rec., I. 136-138; Winthrop, II. 165, Rec., I. 134-136. 166. Simplicitie's Defence, 87-89; R. I. May 29. sengers to the Narragansett sachems, to vindicate their own course, and to advise them to be quiet and to detach themselves from their pernicious English friends. The envoys were roughly received. "Canonicus would not admit them into his wigwam for two hours, but suffered them to stay in the rain. When he did admit them, he lay along upon his couch, and would not speak to them more than a few froward speeches, but referred them to Pessacus." Pessacus gave them no satisfaction, but persisted in the threat of a renewal of hostilities against Uncas.1 Sept. 5. His resentment, however, took counsel of his fears; and at the second annual meeting of the Commissioners of the Confederacy, things continued to stand substantially as they had done, though the rumor of danger, taking different forms, from time to time, through various accidents, had kept the western Colonies in extreme uneasiness, and in a posture of constant preparation at once harassing and expensive. An embassy sent by the Commissioners to the Narragansett chiefs had better success than the recent one from Massachu Rec., I. 138-140; Winthrop, II. 165, ..... a hundred French, with many Indians most, 1 Winthrop, II. 165, 166. It took place at Hartford. For the names of the Commissioners, see the Appendix. |