The motion was seconded by Earl Stanhope. Lord Melville then rose and said, that though the conduct, and not the grounds of the war was the matter now to be considered, yet there was one circumstance connected with the declaration of it on which it was necessary to say a few words. Although the government of the United States had for some time before been in such a frame of mind as ultimately led to hostilities, yet a general opinion prevailed, that the revocation of the orders in council would have pacified it. He protested against the noble earl's proposition, that it was the duty of ministers always to have kept there a fleet sufficient to blockade all the ports in America.-There were other important branches of the service to which their attention was called, and our force on other stations was no more than sufficient, the blockading force in many places being less than the force blockaded. He had never met with a naval officer who entertained the opinion of the noble mover respecting the possibility of completely blockading the American ports. As to what he had said relative to the ships which had been opposed to the Americans, Lord Melville observed, that we were not to alter the classes of ships in the British navy merely because there were three American ships of unusual dimensions. All naval officers agreed in the opinion that it was not proper to multiply the classes of vessels; and it was far better to send out seventy-four's than to set about building ships only fit to cope with the American navy. The advice to diminish the number of small vessels was one in which no experienced person could concur, since these were peculiarly requisite to protect our trade against the enemy's privateers. The balance of capture was so far from being in favor of the Americans, that it was the reverse. With respect to not sooner issuing letters of marque, the delay was for the purpose of knowing the reception given by the Americans to our proposals of accommodation. As to the charge of mismanagement in the dock-yards, measures had been taken to remedy defects. Some of our ships, it was true, had undergone a rapid decay, through haste in the building; but it was necessary that our exertions should keep pace with those of the enemy.-For all these reasons he should give his vote against the motion.

Earl Stanhope made a speech chiefly relative to his own plans for the improvement of naval architecture. The most remarkable part was his reference to the contrivances of Mr. Fulton for blowing up ships under water, whose offers, he said, had been rejected by Bonaparte, but had been accepted by Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville,

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who, after his failure at Boulogne, made a compromise with him for a considerable sum, with which he went to America. Earl S. said, he had given a plan to the admiralty for preventing the effect of his inventions, which he thought of a formidable nature.

The Earl of Galloway entered into some professional remarks respecting the naval disasters oi the American war, which he attributed very much to the power of the enemy to man their few large frigates with prime sailors; whereas the great demand for men in our navy had rendered it necessary to admit a large proportion of an inferior class. He touched upon the propensity of our seamen to desert, which he thought might be best obviated by an increase of petty officers made from the best among them, and by more liberal remuneration. He was also of opinion, in opposition to Lord Melville, that ships of precisely the same kind with those of the Americans should be built, in order to contend with them. He asserted that he should have approved of the motion had its object been not censure, but inquiry.

Earl Grey began with adverting to the contract of the admiralty with Mr. Fulton, and the compromise which he himself had negociated, in the conviction that his invention would not prove of the smallest utility. He confessed, however, that such was his dislike to this mode of warfare, that he had passed many uneasy nights from the idea of its impracticability. He then made a number of remarks relative to the expediency of an inquiry on the present occasion, not only on account of our naval disasters, but the whole management of the American war. He dwelt particularly on the neglect in protecting the trade of the West Indies and of the coast of South America, and on the superiority of force which the Americans had been suffered to construct on the Canadian lakes.

Earl Bathurst defended the conduct of ministers upon similar grounds with those taken by Lord Melville.

Lord Grenville said, that the doctrine advanced by Lord Galloway, that inquiry implied censure, would lead to the abdication of all the functions of parliament; for no inquiry could be instituted, in that case, without incurring the guilt of condemning the parties unheard. He recapitulated some of the charges against ministry which had been already urged in support of the motion.

After the Earl of Liverpool had spoken in defence of the ministers, and the noble mover had briefly replied, the house divided, for the motion 59; against it, 125. Majority, 66.

No country, perhaps, ever increased in population and wealth, or rose into importance, more rapidly than the United States of America. This may be traced to a variety of causes. During the last twenty years, great numbers of British subjects, disaffected to the government, or borne down by adverse circumstances, have sought the shores of America. The long continuance of a state of war in Europe has also greatly contributed to swell the lists of emigrants, who, carrying with them their arts and collective experience, have increased both their numerical force and political importance. To this may be added the advantages which they derived from neutral commerce when all Europe were engaged in war. Before hostilities commenced, their commerce was in the most flourishing state. According to an official document, which was laid before the house of representatives in 1808, the exports of the United States, from the 1st of October, 1806, to the 1st of October, 1807,were valued as follows: The goods, wares and merchandize of Dollars. domestic growth or manufacture 48,699,592 Do. of foreign growth or manufacture 59,643,558

Total dollars -- 108,343,150 In this prosperous career, the Americans might have proceeded had they pursued a wise policy, and not involved themselves in a war which was foreign to their interests. The establishment of their independence has created an evident change in their moral as well as political character; and from this, no doubt, arises that self-consequence and conceit in the young American, which gives such an air of rude, licentious liberty to the mass of the people. This kind of liberty frequently proves more tyrannical in society than the occasional abuse of magisterial power in a monarchical government; for a man in the United States, if he does not happen to be on the popular side of the question, is often afraid to speak his sentiments, lest he should be abused and illtreated. These political animosities and arbitrary conduct extend even to courts of justice, where the judges on the bench too often feel their contagious effects.

These political parties are distinguished under the titles of federal-republicans and democrats. Both parties view this country with considerable

CHAP. IX.

1812.

jealousy; but the democrats, who may be styled BOOK XI. "the people," carry this to the extremity of the most confirmed and rancorous malice; rendered, indeed, comparatively impotent by its wildness and extravagance; while the federalists, who are in general the opulent, have more just and consistent views. The drinking of toasts at public dinners is a very common method of venting party spleen in America, and of drinking destruction to their enemies. The newspapers publish long lists of these toasts the next day, as so many proofs of patriotism and virtue; and take a pride in shewing how brilliantly their partizans can blackguard public characters in their cups.

An able writer has observed, that an obvious trait in the American character is vanity. Osten-: tatious and conceited in an eminent degree, the Americans will allow nothing to be excellent or praiseworthy in foreigners. All other men, Britons not excepted, are regarded by them with contemptuous disdain; and should one of the latter reside in America, or join in the society of her people, he will be soon informed, to his great surprise, that all British subjects are slaves and vassals, that tyranny and oppression pervade every department of the state, and that their own happy country, and admirable constitution, is the only resort for hopeless misery. There, men are all free; there alone the virtues flourish; and thither, as to a place of refuge, are the arts and sciences destined to flee, when the progress of tyranny in Europe shall have banished them thence. His astonishment would be increased by further bearing that the people of the " old country," meaning Great Britain, are degenerated, not only in moral virtue, but in physical power; and that they now are larger bodied, more brave, enlightened, and ingenious.

The Americans, in their commercial transaetions, are exceedingly enterprising, which would deserve high commendation, were it always conducted on just and liberal principles; but the reverse is in general the case: fraud, smuggling, and perjury, are practised with success, and without reserve; and thus cupidity prevails among them to an astonishing degree. An eminent divine of Boston thus justly characterized his countrymen from the pulpit, on "putting away. the easily besetting sin."-" There have existed

The motion was seconded by Earl Stanhope. Lord Melville then rose and said, that though the conduct, and not the grounds of the war was the matter now to be considered, yet there was one circumstance connected with the declaration of it on which it was necessary to say a few words. Although the government of the United States had for some time before been in such a frame of mind as ultimately led to hostilities, yet a general opinion prevailed, that the revocation of the orders in council would have pacified it. He protested against the noble earl's proposition, that it was the duty of ministers always to have kept there a fleet sufficient to blockade all the ports in America.-There were other important branches of the service to which their attention was called, and our force on other stations was no more than sufficient, the blockading force in many places being less than the force blockaded. He had never met with a naval officer who entertained the opinion of the noble mover respecting the possibility of completely blockading the American ports. As to what he had said relative to the ships which had been opposed to the Americans, Lord Melville observed, that we were not to alter the classes of ships in the British navy merely because there were three American ships of unusual dimensions. All naval officers agreed in the opinion that it was not proper to multiply the classes of vessels; and it was far better to send out seventy-four's than to set about building ships only fit to cope with the American navy. The advice to diminish the number of small vessels was one in which no experienced person could concur, since these were peculiarly requisite to protect our trade against the enemy's privateers. The balance of capture was so far from being in favor of the Americans, that it was the reverse. With respect to not sooner issuing letters of marque, the delay was for the purpose of knowing the reception given by the Americans to our proposals of accommodation. As to the charge of mismanagement in the dock-yards, measures had been taken to remedy defects. Some of our ships, it was true, had undergone a rapid decay, through haste in the building; but it was necessary that our exertions should keep pace with those of the enemy.-For all these reasons he should give his vote against the motion.

Earl Stanhope made a speech chiefly relative to his own plans for the improvement of naval architecture. The most remarkable part was his reference to the contrivances of Mr. Fulton for blowing up ships under water, whose offers, he said, had been rejected by Bonaparte, but had been accepted by Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville,

who, after his failure at Boulogne, made a compromise with him for a considerable sum, with which he went to America. Earl S. said, he had given a plan to the admiralty for preventing the effect of his inventions, which he thought of a formidable nature.

The Earl of Galloway entered into some professional remarks respecting the naval disasters of the American war, which he attributed very much to the power of the enemy to man their few large frigates with prime sailors; whereas the great demand for men in our navy had rendered it necessary to admit a large proportion of an inferior class. He touched upon the propensity of our seamen to desert, which he thought might be best obviated by an increase of petty officers made from the best among them, and by more liberal remuneration. He was also of opinion, in opposition to Lord Melville, that ships of precisely the same kind with those of the Americans should be built, in order to contend with them. He asserted that he should have approved of the motion had its object been not censure, but inquiry.

Earl Grey began with adverting to the contract of the admiralty with Mr. Fulton, and the compromise which he himself had negociated, in the conviction that his invention would not prove of the smallest utility. He confessed, however, that such was his dislike to this mode of warfare, that he had passed many uneasy nights from the idea of its impracticability. He then made a number of remarks relative to the expediency of an inquiry on the present occasion, not only on account of our naval disasters, but the whole management of the American war. He dwelt particularly on the neglect in protecting the trade of the West Indies and of the coast of South America, and on the superiority of force which the Americans had been suffered to construct on the Canadian lakes.

Earl Bathurst defended the conduct of ministers upon similar grounds with those taken by Lord Melville.

Lord Grenville said, that the doctrine advanced by Lord Galloway, that inquiry implied censure, would lead to the abdication of all the functions of parliament; for no inquiry could be instituted, in that case, without incurring the guilt of condemning the parties unheard. He recapitulated some of the charges against ministry which had been already urged in support of the motion.

After the Earl of Liverpool had spoken in defence of the ministers, and the noble mover had briefly replied, the house divided, for the motion 59; against it, 125. Majority, 66.

No country, perhaps, ever increased in population and wealth, or rose into importance, more rapidly than the United States of America. This may be traced to a variety of causes. During the last twenty years, great numbers of British subjects, disaffected to the government, or borne down by adverse circumstances, have sought the shores of America. The long continuance of a state of war in Europe has also greatly contributed to swell the lists of emigrants, who, carrying with them their arts and collective experience, have increased both their numerical force and political importance. To this may be added the advantages which they derived from neutral commerce when all Europe were engaged in war. Before hostilities commenced, their commerce was in the most flourishing state. According to an official document, which was laid before the house of representatives in 1808, the exports of the United States, from the 1st of October, 1806, to the 1st of October, 1807,were valued as follows: The goods, wares and merchandize of Dollars. domestic growth or manufacture 48,699,592 Do. of foreign growth or manufacture 59,643,558

Total dollars -- 108,343,150 In this prosperous career, the Americans might have proceeded had they pursued a wise policy, and not involved themselves in a war which was foreign to their interests. The establishment of their independence has created an evident change in their moral as well as political character; and from this, no doubt, arises that self-consequence and conceit in the young American, which gives such an air of rude, licentious liberty to the mass of the people. This kind of liberty frequently proves more tyrannical in society than the occasional abuse of magisterial power in a monarchical government; for a man in the United States, if he does not happen to be on the popular side of the question, is often afraid to speak his sentiments, lest he should be abused and illtreated. These political animosities and arbitrary conduct extend even to courts of justice, where the judges on the bench too often feel their contagious effects.

These political parties are distinguished under the titles of federal-republicans and democrats. Both parties view this country with considerable

CHAP. IX.

1812.

jealousy; but the democrats, who may be styled BOOK XI. "the people," carry this to the extremity of the most confirmed and rancorous malice; rendered, indeed, comparatively impotent by its wildness and extravagance; while the federalists, who are in general the opulent, have more just and consistent views. The drinking of toasts at public dinners is a very common method of venting party spleen in America, and of drinking destruction to their enemies. The newspapers publish long lists of these toasts the next day, as so many proofs of patriotism and virtue ; and take a pride in shewing how brilliantly their partizans can blackguard public characters in their cups.

An able writer has observed, that an obvious trait in the American character is vanity. Ostentatious and conceited in an eminent degree, the Americans will allow nothing to be excellent or praiseworthy in foreigners. All other men, Britons not excepted, are regarded by them with contemptuous disdain; and should one of the latter reside in America, or join in the society of her people, he will be soon informed, to his great surprise, that all British subjects are slaves and vassals, that tyranny and oppression pervade every department of the state, and that their own happy country, and admirable constitution, is the only resort for hopeless misery. There, men are all free; there alone the virtues flourish; and thither, as to a place of refuge, are the arts and sciences destined to flee, when the progress of tyranny in Europe shall have banished them thence. His astonishment would be increased by further bearing that the people of the "old country," meaning Great Britain, are degenerated, not only in moral virtue, but in physical power; and that they now are larger bodied, more brave, enlightened, and ingenious.

The Americans, in their commercial transaetions, are exceedingly enterprising, which would · deserve high commendation, were it always conducted on just and liberal principles; but the reverse is in general the case: fraud, smuggling, and perjury, are practised with success, and without reserve; and thus cupidity prevails among them to an astonishing degree. An eminent divine of Boston thus justly characterized his countrymen from the pulpit, on " putting away the easily besetting sin."-" There have existed

CHAP. IX.

1812.

BOOK XI. at all times," said he, "not only personal and peculiar, but also national sins; for instance, among the ancients the Asiatics were accused of effeminacy, the Carthaginians of perfidy, &c. So among the moderns the French are said to be volatile and frivolous, the Spaniards proud and cruel, the English haughty, and evincing too great contempt for strangers; and we, my brethren, of being greedy of gain, and not over scrupulous how we obtain it."

In America all are politicians, and every man a federalist or a democrat. The eagerness of the people for news far surpasses even that of this country. Newspapers are not charged with any duty, and seldom cost more than two-pence halfpenny and about a halfpenny more for the carriage. Hence these vehicles of intelligence and information are accessible to every class of peopeople in the states; and there is scarcely a poor owner of a miserable box hut, who lives on the borders of the stage-road, but has a newspaper left at his door. When politics are not the subject of conversation, no distinction between a federalist or a democrat can be discerned; but the moment it turns upon the conduct of a Jefferson or Adams, of the English and French nations, open war immediately commences, not only between rival politicians, but between friends and acquaintances.

Religious toleration is allowed in its fullest extent in every state of the Union; and people of every sect and form of worship are admitted to a share of the government. The population of the United States, which, in 1777, was estimated at 1,500,000, is now above 10,000,000. In 1808, the navy consisted of ten frigates and eighty-one sloops and gun-boats; the regular army amounted to no more than 2,000 men. But throughout the states, every able-bodied white male-citizen, between the age of eighteen and forty-five, is enrolled in the militia, and free people of colour are enrolled as pioneers. One-third of the militia may be marched out of each state by order of the executive of the United States, on particular emergencies, and under certain conditions; and treated in every respect the same as the regular troops, except that in cases of courts-martial the

court is to be selected from the militia of the state. The militia of the United States, however, is for the most part badly disciplined. In general, they meet only to eat, drink, and make merry. The following excellent satire upon one of those meetings may afford our readers some amusement, and give them some idea of American tactics:-"I happened, not long since, to be present at the muster of a captain's company, in a remote part of one of the counties; and as no general description could convey an adequate idea of the achievements of that day, I must be permitted to go a little into the detail, as well as my recollection will serve

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me. The men had been notified to meet at nine o'clock, armed and equipped as the law directs,' that is to say, with a gun and cartouch-box at least; but, as directed by the law of the United States, with a good firelock, a sufficient bayonet and belt, and pouch with a box to contain not less than twenty-four sufficient cartridges of powder and ball.' At twelve o'clock about one-third, perhaps half, the men had collected; and an inspector's return of the number present would have. stood nearly thus: one captain, one lieutenant, ensign none, serjeants two, corporals none, drummers none, fifers none, privates present, twentyfive, ditto absent, thirty, guns fifteen, gunlocks twelve, ramrods ten, rifle pouches three, bayonets none, belts none, spare-flints none, cartridges none, horsewhips, walking-canes, and umbrellas, twenty-two.

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"A little before one o'clock, the captain, whom I shall distinguish by the name of Clodpole, gave directions for forming the line of parade. In obedience to this order, one of the serjeants, the strength of whose lungs had long supplied the place of a drum and fife, placed himself in front of the house, and began to bawl with great vehemence, All Captain Clodpole's company to parade there! come, gentlemen, parade here! parade here!' says he, and all rade here!' says he, and all you that hasn't guns, fall into the lower eend.' He might have bawled till this time, with as little success as the Syrens sung to Ulysses, had he not changed his post to a neighbouring shade; there he was immediately joined by all who were then at leisure; the others were at that time engaged either as parties or spectators at a game of fives, and could not just then attend: however, in less than half an hour the game was finished, and the captain was enabled to form his company, and proceed in the duties of the day.

"Look to the right and dress!"

They were soon, by the help of the non-commissioned officers, placed in a straight line; but as every man was anxious to see how the rest stood, those on the wings pressed forward for that purpose, till the whole line assumed nearly the form of a crescent. • Whew! look at 'em!' says the captain, why, gentlemen, you are all crooking here at both eends, so that you will get on to me by and by: come, gentlemen, dress! dress!"

"This was accordingly done; but impelled, by the same motive as before, they soon resumed their former figure, and so they were permitted to remain. Now, gentlemen,' says the captain, I am going to carry you through the revolutions of the manual exercise, and I want you, gentlemen, if you please, to pay every particular attention to the word of command, just exactly as I give it out to you. I hope you will have a little patience, gentlemen, if you please, and I'll be as short as possible; and if I should be a-going