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that some evidence might be produced, some facts appear, or somebody might be found that could speak of certain knowledge. To say, things have been carried too closely to be discovered, is saying nothing; for then they must own, that it is not discovered: and how then can they affirm it, as they do, with such an assurance as nothing ought to be affirmed by honest men, unless they were able to prove it?

"To speak then to the fact. Were the reproach upon me only in this particular, I should not mention it. I should not think it a reproach to be directed by a man to whom the queen had entrusted the administration of the government. But, as it is a reproach upon his lordship, justice requires that I do right in this case. The thing is true or false. I would recommend it to those who would be called honest men, to consider but one thing, viz. What if it should not be true? Can they justify the injury done to that person, or to any person concerned? If it cannot be proved, if no vestiges appear to ground it upon, how can - they charge men upon rumours and reports, and join to run down men's characters by the stream of clamour.

Sed quo rapit impetus undæ.

"In answer to the charge, I bear witness to posterity, that every part of it is false and forged. And I solemnly protest, in the fear and presence of him that shall judge us all, both the slanderers and the slandered, that I have not received any instructions, directions, orders, or let them call it what they will, for the writing any part of what I have written, or any materials for the putting together any book or pamphlet whatsoever, from the said Earl of Oxford, LordTreasurer, or from any person by his order or direction, since the time that the late Earl of Godolphin was LordTreasurer. Neither did I ever shew, or cause to be shewed to his lordship, for his approbation or otherwise, any book, paper, or pamphlet which I have written, before the same

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was printed and published. If any man living can detect me of the least prevarication in this, or in any part of it, I desire him to do it by all means; and I challenge all the world to do it. And if they cannot, then I appeal to the honour and justice of my worst enemies, to know upon what foundation of truth or conscience they can affirm these things, and for what it is that I bear these reproaches. In all my writing, I ever capitulated for liberty to speak according to my own judgment of things; I ever had that liberty allowed me, nor was I ever imposed upon to write this way or that against my judgment, by any person whatsoever.

"I come now historically to the point of time when my Lord Godolphin was dismissed from his employment, and the late unhappy division broke out at court. I waited on my Lord the day he was displaced, and humbly asked his lordship's direction, what course I should take? His lordship's answer was, 'That he had the same good will to assist me, but not the same power; that I was the queen's servant, and that all he had done for me was by her majesty's special and particular direction; and that whoever should succeed him, it was not material to me; he supposed I should be employed in nothing relating to the present differences: my business was to wait till I saw things settled, and then apply myself to the ministers of state, to receive her majesty's commands from them.' It occurred to me immediately, as a principle for my conduct, that it was not material to me what ministers her majesty was pleased to employ; my duty was to go along with every ministry, so far as they did not break in upon the constitution, and the laws and liberties of my country; my part being only the duty of a subject, to submit to all lawful commands, and to enter into no service which was not justifiable by the laws: to all which I have exactly obliged myself.

"By this, I was providentially cast back upon my original

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benefactor, who, according to his wonted goodness, was pleased to lay my case before her majesty; and thereby I preserved my interest in her majesty's favour, but without any engagement of service. As for consideration, pension, gratification, or reward, I declare to all the world I have had none, except only that old appointment which her majesty was pleased to make me in the ministry of my Lord Godolphin; of which I have spoken already, and which was for services done in a foreign country some years before. Neither have I been employed or directed by my LordTreasurer aforesaid, to do, or not to do, anything in the affair of the unhappy differences which have so long perplexed us, and for which I have suffered so many, and such unjust reproaches.

"The first thing in the unhappy breaches which have fallen out, is the heaping up scandal upon the persons and conduct of men of honour on one side as well as on the other; those unhappy methods of falling upon one another by personal calumny and reproach. This I have often in print complained of as an unchristian, ungenerous, and unjustifiable practice. Not a word can be found in all I have written reflecting on the persons or conduct of any of the former ministry. I served her majesty under their administrations; they acted honourably and justly in every transaction in which I had the honour to be concerned with them; and I never published, or said any thing dishonourable of any of them in my life: nor can the worst enemy I have produce any such thing against me. I always regretted the charge, and looked upon it as a great disaster to the nation in general, I am sure it was so to me in particular; and the divisions and feuds among parties which followed that change, were doubtless a disaster to us all." "*

Appeal to Honour and Justice, pp. 17-23.

CHAPTER IX.

Death of the Earl of Rochester.-His Character-The Tories unite under Harley. His Address to gain their Confidence.-Different Opinions of his Policy. He is created Earl of Oxford and Lord Treasurer.-Other Changes. A Secular Prelate.-Fleming's History of Hereditary Right. -Some awkward Appearances of Inroads upon the Constitution.—The Cause of the Pretender gains ground.-Public Demonstrations in his Favor.-The Ministers desirous of a Peace.-Enter upon a Clandestine Negociation with France.-Swift's New Journey to Paris.-De Foe attacked by Maynwaring.-He defends Himself. He is a Friend to Peace. -His Opinion upon the Objects of the War.-And Statement of King William's Sentiments.—He is for a Partition of the Spanish Dominions. -Mis-represented by the Whigs.-He explains his Opinions in "An Essay upon that difficult Phrase, a Good Peace."-Many Pamphlets falsely charged upon him.-He publishes "The Felonious Treaty" in Defence of King William.-Defends himself from Reproaches.-The Parliament reassembled.-Prosperous days for the Church.-Coalition between the Whigs and the Earl of Nottingham.-De Foe's Remarks upon it.-The Occasional Bill brought forward by the Earl of Nottingham.-Passes both Houses.-De Foe's Reflections upon the Measure.-Speech of the Stone Chimney-Piece in the House of Lords. He publishes "An Essay on the History of Parties and Persecution."-Caveat against the Whigs.

1711.

UPON the second of May, died Laurence Hyde, Earl of Rochester, second son to the great Earl of Clarendon, and the queen's uncle. He had been to dine with a friend, and after dinner was seized with apoplexy, of which he died. His education and early connexions gave him a strong bias to Toryism, which grew more inveterate with age, and possessed him with those rigorous high-church notions which were rampant in the days of Charles II. He has

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been celebrated for his wisdom and integrity, and he gave a proof of his attachment to Protestantism, by relinquishing the place of Lord High Treasurer, rather than conform to the religion of King James II.; but he sat in the ecclesiastical commission, and sanctioned all the measures in that reign for the subversion of liberty. His acquiescence in the Revolution was probably more the result of necessity than of choice; for he was ever the determined opponent of King William, and the short time that he held office under him, was declared by that prince to be the uneasiest of his reign. The accession of a Stuart was the signal for his return to power, which he used for the aggrandizement of the crown, and the promotion of those schemes of clerical dominion, which was the object of all the clamour now raised by the clergy upon account of religion. The Protestantism of Lord Rochester was akin to the religion of all bigots, which is that of hatred; and derives no value from the dogmas ingrafted upon it, in comparison with what it loses by the absence of those qualities which are of most value to society.

By the death of Rochester, Harley lost a formidable rival; and it paved the way for his accession to those honours which the popularity he had acquired since his late accident assigned to him without a contest. The Tories who had been hitherto divided, now united under him as their head, and engaged to support him with their whole interest. "Mr. Harley, who was no stranger to the nature of popular favour, nor to differences which were likely to arise among them on account of the succession, embraced and paid compliments to them all, and exhorted every one to exert himself for his party against the Duke of Marlborough, who seemed to have a design upon the crown.' Harley had always a great dread of military power, and was jealous of Marlborough's influence with the army; but as there could be no ground for the insinuation just mentioned, it must be considered as one of those artifices in

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