CHAPTER VI. Address from the London Clergy.-Hoadly's Publication upon it.—And De Foe's Animadversions.-Collection of Addresses published.-De Foe Announces a Work in opposition. He publishes "A New Test of the Sense of the Nation."—His Satire upon the Addresses.—And upon the mode of jesting with Oaths.-History of Addresses.-De Foe's political feelings at this time.-His Speculations upon the policy of the Ministers.—Accused of making court to the Ministers.-His facetious Reply.-Attempts to embroil him with the Government.-The political course he prescribed to himself. He is attacked in a pamphlet, called " Now or Never."-His Reply.-Embarrassment of Harley.-His overtures to the Whigs rejected. He is thrown upon the Tories.-Dissolution of Parliament.Sets the Country in an Uproar.-De Foe publishes "A Word against a New Election."-He makes a Tour of the Country.-And describes the Outrages committed at the Elections.-Humorous remark of the "Tatler."Plots to bring in the Pretender.-Delusion of the People.-Letter from a Gentleman at St. Germain's.-De Foe's Remarks upon it.-Reasons against receiving the Pretender.-De Foe accused of wavering in his Politics.-Defends himself." Secret History of Arlus and Odolphus.— Answers to it.-De Foe resides at Stoke-Newington.-Assembling of Parliament.—Altered tone of the Queen.-Act for building fifty new Churches.— Character of the Convocation.-And of the Clergy at this period. 1710. In the former chapter, some notice has been taken of the addresses manufactured by the high-party, preparatory to a change in the ministry. After that change had taken place, the bishop and clergy of London came forward with their address, which was not prepared until the 21st of August, and was as remarkable for its contents, as the promoters of it were for the tardiness of their loyalty. 154 ADDRESS OF THE LONDON CLERGY. Although the incongruity of the matter was sufficient to deter any wise man from affixing his name to it, yet this trifle was easily overlooked by men who were less remarkable for their consistency, than for their artifice. But there were some who refused to be caught in the snare, being of opinion, that an address at this juncture was not necessary, and that the one in question had been managed by indirect and unfair methods. These persons were represented as enemies to the queen and the ministry, and their names were transmitted through the kingdom, in the newspapers of the day.(D) As the address made great noise at the time, so it occasioned many pamphlets pro and con. The non-subscribing clergy were not backward in vindicating themselves from the slanders of their enemies, and Hoadly, one of them, exposed the inconsistency of his diocesan, in "A Letter concerning Allegiance Written by the Lord Bishop of London to a Clergyman in Essex, presently after the Revolution. Never before published. To which are added, some Queries, occasioned by the late Address of his Lordship, and the Clergy of London and Westminster. Lond. 1710." 8vo. The address is supposed to have been penned by Dr. Smalridge, the friend of Atterbury, and like him, the patron of Sacheverell. De Foe, to whose writings some passages in it seem to be directed, bestowed some remarks upon it in his Reviews, in which he mixes gravity of argument with keenness of satire. He exposes the inconsistency of that part of the address in which the clergy speak "of (D) Dyer, in his News-Letter for August 24, has the following account: "The Address of the Bishop and Clergy of London, was inserted in this day's Gazette, by order of the Queen, as a distinguished favour to them. The Clergymen who refused to sign it, were Dr. Barton, and Mr. Baker; and those who did not answer to the Bishop's summons, were Dr. Kennet, Dr. Bradford, Dr. Hancock, and Mr. Hoadly. And, therefore, as they have no share in the Queen's thanks, so I hope they will have as little in her favours." COLLECTION OF ADDRESSES PUBLISHED. 155 their vigorously and successfully withstanding arbitrary power, and in the same breath talk of her majesty's irresistible authority;" and he congratulates them upon their concession of those political doctrines which he had always advocated. "Before they addressed the queen," says he, "in their sermons and printed books, they talked as other of the clergy; they preached up passive-obedience and non-resistance as warmly as any Sacheverell of them all. But when they begin to talk to the queen, this jargon of the press and pulpit vanishes at once; they then speak plain English, and own that all the pretences to these things have been cheats and frauds; and that truly they have vigorously resisted arbitrary power, and taken arms against their sovereign in defence of religion and liberty; and let none of our princes deceive themselves, if ever they meditate the return of Popery and arbitrary power, they, the bishop and clergy of London, will manifest an equal zeal against them."* Our author justly observes, that the doctrines taught by the clergy were a force upon their understandings to bring about some private end; but at the bottom, they were all of a mind: "And, let any prince hereafter trust them at his peril. King James is a beacon upon that rock where he split and shipwrecked all his fortunes: then it was their fault; if any man believe them again, it will be his own." Upon the whole, he observes, if we would speak intelligibly, we must dismiss the jargon of tyrants, and use the language of the constitution, as the only one that is reconcileable to common sense. in The addresses presented in the former part of the year being calculated for the service of the party now power, they were collected together and published at this time, being preceded by the following advertisement in 156 the Post-Boy: "A Collection of the Addresses that have been presented to the Queen since the Impeachment of Dr. Henry Sacheverell, whereby it most evidently appears, that the Sense of the Nation, whether Nobility, Clergy, Gentry or Commonalty, is express for the Doctrine of Passive-Obedience and Non-Resistance, and for her Majesty's hereditary Title to the Throne of her Ancestors." By way of antidote to this mass of nonsense, De Foe advertised the following work, in his Review for July 4, to appear in a few days: "A Collection of the several Addresses in King James's time, presented to his Majesty from the several Counties and Boroughs in England, relating to the Prince of Wales, &c., by which it may be seen, that the Sense of the Nation, Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, and Common People, was universally for arbitrary Power, for Government by a Standing Army, and for tolerating Popery, as the best Method to preserve the Monarchy, and support the Church of England: and, that they promised to choose such a Parliament as should concur to those ends." In prosecuting this work, says our author, "I may perhaps shew you how far the sovereign ought to depend upon the flourishes of a party, and their pretended majorities in such corporation appearances; how far addresses are to be valued, and how far the sense of the nation may or may not be determined by them. But to leave my new collection to its fate, I doubt not but it shall speak for itself; and perhaps let some people further into the secret of procuring, forming, and receiving addresses, than has yet been done.*" If the addresses speak the sense of the nation, he says, "It looks as if the nation had lost its senses; and thanks to God and our wise ancestors, 'tis what never was the sense of the nation before."+" The practice of addressing, has cheated DE FOE ANNOUNCES A WORK IN OPPOSITION. * Review, vii. 166–7. + Ibid, 173. PUBLISHES A TEST OF THE SENSE OF THE NATION." 157 many already; a jest that was put upon Richard Cromwell, and yet they deprived him three weeks afterwards. It was a second time put upon King James II. and they all flew in his face a year after. And I could give some instances of the little value that has been put upon it since, even such as one would think the very people themselves expect; that for time to come, addressing should pass for nothing with their princes."* De Foe afterwards published the work above alluded to, under the title of "A New Test of the Sense of the Nation: Being a modest Comparison between the Addresses to the late King James, and those to her present Majesty. In order to observe how far the Sense of the Nation may be judged of by either of them. London. Printed in the year 1710." 8vo. PP. 91. Our author opens his work with the following observations. "Nothing is more certain, than that the method of understanding things, must vary with the method of expressing them; or else the actions of men will soon come to speak a language not at all to be understood. Custom has by the law of nations obtained a very great authority all over the world, having in all ages been the only judge of propriety, and having given the true legitimacy to words. From hence, it is a most necessary consequence, that custom is the great arbiter of meaning in speech; nor can we give any greater reason, nor in many cases any other, for the extensiveness of words. No man can say, why a weak-headed man is called a fool, but that it is the custom of the place that such words should be so understood. By this authority of custom, a high churchman, and a madman; a Tory, and a thief; a Whig and a Presbyterian, are all become synonimous; though if we take the people and examine them, they pretend quite other things; but it must be so understood, for 'tis the sense of the nation. Though there may be some objection, perhaps, * Review, vii. 175. |