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been one of Mr. Munroe's greatest interests and it was he who suggested to Secretary Redfield that it would be wise to keep industrial schools open during the summer, to train younger men who in the fall could replace those called out by the draft, and to furnish men capable of becoming inspectors of munitions and the like. The idea, which was approved by a letter from the President, recalls Mr. Munroe's favorite idea of keeping the Institute running throughout the year, like the University of Chicago, thus saving time for men who want to get to work a year earlier and avoiding great waste by constant utilization of the Institute's tremendous plant. The Springfield Republican comments favorably as follows on Mr. Munroe's appointment:
"A manufacturer and prominent Tech graduate, who is also a lecturer on education and a writer on various subjects, is the Massachusetts man chosen by President Wilson as a member of the Federal Board of Vocational Education. James Phinney Munroe of Lexington is president of the Munroe Felt and Paper Company, but before entering on his career as a manufacturer he had served as secretary of the Faculty of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. A good thing about Mr. Munroe is that he is not likely to take a narrow view of vocational education, for his intellectual interests are many, including history and politics in the broad sense as well as education, and he has been identified with several public movements. A man who has thought the 'New England Conscience,' a thing worth writing a book about, and who has a clear conception of all that is best in the New England moral tradition, is not a bad choice for any public board, provided he has aptitude and qualification for the particular work. This Mr. Munroe would seem to have, and the President's selection of Mr. Munroe for the one-year term on the board may lead to a reappointment."
From time to time we learn that one or another of our scientific societies has deemed it advisable, on account of the war, either to cancel or to postpone meetings and conventions. This action, we believe, is altogether hasty. In order to expedite the solution of many and of the new problems that have arisen as a direct consequence War of our martial state, unrestricted discussion at scientific meetings is bound, in all but a very few cases, to give all of us a clearer understanding of the real points at issue and the needs of the country.
Meetings of scientific and technical societies have from time out of mind served as a great stimulus to the members, and have been a sort of clearing house for many of the best thoughts and ideas of our professional men. We should, accordingly, encourage rather than discourage the holding of such meetings throughout the period of the war. We should follow the example of England on this point. Finding that the country was face to face with a serious shortage of sulfuric acid, glass, dyes, electrodes, and many other essentials of industry, the British scientific societies arranged symposiums on these topics and not only urged all members to attend, but invited factory men to come and give their views and experiences, in exchange for those of the theorists. Much of value was accomplished in this manner.
Just as the great business concerns depend upon the organized efforts and efficiency of the several departments, so the government, in time of war far more even than normally, looks to the concerted action of its technical bodies for quick and efficient results. Let us continue to hold our meetings, more frequently even than before. We cannot afford a scientific moratorium.-Scientific American.
Dartmouth's admission of its faculty to a share in the appointment, promotion, and dismissal of its members does not come after a convulsion, Responsible Faculties
such as those which preceded the recent reforms at Pennsylvania and Bryn Mawr, but it is nevertheless as radical a stroke as any yet made in the curbing of the power of college trustees. The faculty is to have only an advisory voice in changes, but since its coöperation is a formal part of the procedure, it will have the substance if not the show of power. More important as a guarantee of justice is the specific affirmation of the principle that election to a professorship or an associate professorship "should be considered as
on the basis of permanency, rather than a term appointment." Teachers below these grades are to have the right of an investigation before dismissal, unless the president and the advisory committee are unanimously against it. Of even more promise for harmonious and wise administration is the institution of a standing conference committee of three members of the faculty and three trustees.-Nation.
The war finds us with many United States patents owned by German subjects. Some of these patents have been granted on devices and processes the use of which is absolutely necessary to the health German and safety of our people. While the liberal policy of our Patents government with reference to patents should be continued, the necessity is becoming more and more apparent that some provision should be made in our patent laws which will legalize the use of patented inventions when industrial progress and public safety require.
It is not necessary or advisable to revoke patents owned by German subjects. If the manufacture under such patents is not carried on to meet the requirements of our people, the right to manufacture in the United States may be legalized, and the patents owned by alien enemies could remain in force without jeopardizing the public safety or industrial progress. If licenses were granted authorizing the manufacture in the United States under such patents during the war, and for such longer period as may be necessary, the situation would be immediately cleared. The law could provide for the grant of licenses by a court after a public hearing, the court to determine the amount of the royalties, which might be held by a trustee until the termination of the war, when the manner in which the royalties would be disposed of might be determined.
By such an amendment to our Patent Act, not only would the use of the inventions by our citizens be legalized, but it would be possible to hold the royalties, which might be paid to the owners of the patents on the termination of the war under such conditions as our government might deem proper. Scientific American.
August Belmont, of New York, chairman of the workmen's compensation department of the National Civic Federation, which has been actively coöperating with the committee on labor of the Council of No National Defense in the effort to suggest legislation to proPension vide for the dependents of soldiers and sailors, said today that Graft he is in favor of the government paying a given amount to men of good character, instead of an ordinary periodical pension or compensation payment.
"After a man has gone to war and risked his life, given up his business and the opportunity to profit by his years of education, he ought to have
every chance when he comes back," said Mr. Belmont. "If he desires to accept some sum, say half of the total amount that would be paid him eventually as a pension, to set himself up in business, I think he ought to have it."
Mr. Belmont said that there should be an opportunity for soldiers and sailors or their dependents to capitalize the payments that are to be made to them, as is done under some of the European systems of pensioning. He added that, of course, a man's character should be taken into consideration, and emphasized the fact that all pension and compensation provisions should be taken entirely out of politics and not be a matter for yearly appropriation.-U. S. Bulletin.
"War fever" has been especially prevalent in some of our colleges and schools, with consequences not wholly desirable. If we had been entering War-Time upon a ninety-day struggle, immature undergraduates, along
with everybody else, might well have rushed to the enlistment booths. But the particular exigency called for nothing of the kind. Congress and the authorities at Washington were amply able to develop an army and navy system, and to find the proper types and classes of men in suitable numbers. It is particularly desirable that students in our schools and colleges should stay at their work and finish their courses, provided their work be thorough, and of a kind to prepare them for mature and efficient service after they graduate. If the work of the colleges is valuable, it should go on more seriously than ever. If it is not valuable, the methods should be reformed. No young man in the middle of a college course, who is willing to do his work well and who looks forward to a life of usefulness as a man and a citizen, need think of himself as a "slacker" in the eyes of sensible people if he sticks to his college work. The country will need him much more when he is through his course than it needs him now.
Furthermore, there are no other circumstances where military training can be given so economically and conveniently as in the large colleges and schools. Afternoons and evenings afford time for as much drill and as many lectures as military instruction could well require. Bodies of young men are already assembled, the college provides the dormitories, the commissary service is furnished, and little more is required except khaki suits, rifles, and a military instructor or two. The conscientious student at college may do all the work that pertains to his course of study while improving his health and fitting himself for future service, by taking military instruction regularly. Such a young man, after graduation, can soon qualify if he is needed for a officer's commission. Or if he enters the army as a private he may count upon rapid promotion. Young men at West Point are merely college students who are under military discipline and who take
special studies in military science because they expect to enter the army. The student at Yale, or at the University of Nebraska (Technology or anywhere else), who will avail himself fully of opportunities for military training while at college, serves the country best by sticking to his course, precisely as the West Point boy does his duty by remaining at West Point rather than by rushing off and enlisting as a private.-Review of Reviews.
There are two ways of looking at the cataclysmal events in which Europe and incidentally the rest of the world-has lately been involved. Viewing only the dark side of the picture, one beholds Future an incalculable waste of human life and welfare, and a of Research repudiation of the guarantees of Christianity and civilization boding ill for the future of our race. Fortunately, however, the picture has another side. The tragedy of the great war is, to contemporary vision, so appalling that one who should sweepingly characterize it as "a blessing in disguise" would perhaps be taxed with heartless flippancy; yet that many blessings have already sprung from it, as by-products, while others, still nascent, promise splendid development upon the restoration of peace, must be evident even to the most pessimistic observer.
This is not the place to forecast the social and moral consequences of the war. We should like, however, to dwell for a moment upon the hopeful outlook which science now enjoys, notwithstanding the misfortunes which it has, in common with other human activities, suffered in the general débácle. That which science has especially gained from the war is prestige. Neglect of science in certain quarters has brought such retribution to the negligent ones that the lesson will probably never need to be repeated. This is true not only of science as applicable to military purposes, but also of science as applicable to industry.
The war has given an impetus to scientific research, the material and intellectual fruits of which cannot yet be estimated. Is it too sanguine a hope that they may actually indemnify the world for all that the struggle has cost?
This impetus has manifested itself in two ways: first, in the increased attention which various manufacturers have been forced by recent circumstances to devote to the scientific side of their own industries; second, and especially, in the elaborate plans adopted by various governments for the promotion of research on a national scale. Thus, the British government, besides organizing research on behalf of the army and navy, has developed a scheme for an "advisory council on industrial research," which will control all government activities under this head.
This means, among other things, that the universities and other educational establishments will be encouraged by the government-if necessary by means of state subventions-to train even specifically for particular lines of research.-Scientific American.