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of Winslow

Winslow, who by his residence in Holland was qualified for the latter office, was sent on the errand with March. "Master John Hambden, a gentleman of Lon- Second visit don."1 Before they reached their destination, the to Massasoit. vessel had been got off, and had sailed away. Massasoit, found lying in destitution and filth, apparently at the point of death, was relieved and at length restored to health under the treatment of Winslow, who condescended to the most humble offices of nurse and cook. In the overflow of his gratitude, the savage revealed the existence of a plot, among the tribes scattered over the Conspiracy country from Boston Bay to Martha's Vineyard, of Indians. for the extirpation of the whites. The provocation was, he said, the outrages committed by Weston's people at Wessagusset; but the meditated destruction would include the colonists at Plymouth, because of the apprehension that they would attempt to protect or avenge their countrymen.

The messengers returned with these tidings of alarming import. Other circumstances confirmed the truth of the disclosure. In Standish's recent forage on the Cape, conferences of the natives there with Indian visitors from the north, and other significant movements, had not escaped his vigilance. A less circumstantial warning, but from a

1 It is a natural feeling that has made our historians desire to identify this person with the great statesman of the civil war. But such a supposition will not bear scrutiny. John Hampden could not have spared the time to be absent from England at the critical juncture of affairs between King James's fifth and sixth Parliaments; when afterwards he became conspicuous, our early writers could not have failed to notice the fact of a visit from him, had it been made; and the name borne by the stranger is inconsistent with the idea of an incognito of the illustrious patriot.

Dr. Young (Pilgrims, 314, note) has suggested other considerations which alone would seem decisive against the supposition of a visit to Plymouth by the John Hampden of history.

Winslow's companion was probably some passenger in one of Weston's ships. Hobbamak was their guide. Squanto had died in the previous November, while in attendance on the Governor in his expedition to Cape Cod. (Winslow, Good Newes, 18.) He had been a useful friend to the settlers, though sometimes troublesome and sometimes suspected. (Ibid., 8.)

trustworthy source, had come from Boston Bay to the settlement during Winslow's absence.1 On his return to Plymouth, he found there an Indian of Cape Cod, whom Standish had known as one of the plotters at Manomet, and who was now endeavoring to prevail upon the Captain to make another visit to that region. It was not forgotten that the Indian conspiracy in Virginia had March 22. been unsuspected till it broke out in the massacre of three hundred and fifty settlers.

1622.

1623.

March 23.

2

The time for the "yearly Court Day" presently came round. The exigency seemed urgent. "The Governor communicated the intelligence to the whole company, and asked their advice." The company referred the matter back to the Governor, the Assistant, and the Captain. These consulted among themselves and with others, and concluded that the preservation of the settlement depended upon energetic measures. Being guiltless of injury, they had no peaceable way to accommodation and security; having done nothing to provoke the assault which impended, they could only escape by anticipating it. To strike a blow such as their little strength was equal to, and such as would at the same time be widely known and make an effective impression, Standish was

Suppression of the plot.

despatched by water with eight men to the central point of discontent at Wessagusset. Here he found Wituwamat, the emissary who, as he believed, had intended to murder him at Manomet. Encountering this savage and three others, Standish and two of his men put them to death, after a closely contested fight without fire-arms. One of the four they hanged.

1 Phinehas Pratt, one of Weston's company, had come to Plymouth, from Wessagusset, to give the alarm. He had been pursued by the Indians, and had escaped by losing his way. In his "Declaration," &c. (Mass. Hist. Coll., XXXIV. 484), he mentions having

been met by "Mr. Hamdin” outside of the town. He lived afterwards for twenty-five years at Plymouth, and then removed to Massachusetts, where, in 1662, the General Court granted him three hundred acres of land.

2 Winslow, Good Newes, 25-34, 37.

Not far off they killed another, and Weston's men two more.1 The object was accomplished. The rest of the natives in terror dispersed into the woods. A prisoner made full confession of the plot.

Dispersion

colony.

Wituwamat's head was brought to Plymouth, and set up on the fort. The courage of Weston's men gave out, and the settlement was abandoned. Some of them came to Plymouth with Standish; the rest, wish- of Weston's ing to join their friends at the Eastern fisheries, received from him gratuitously for their voyage all his corn except what sufficed to bring his own party home.2 And "this was the end," so mused the Plymouth Governor, "of those that sometime boasted of their strength, being all able, lusty men, and what they would do and bring to pass in comparison of the people here, who had many women and children and weak ones among them. But a man's way is not in his own power. God

can make the weak to stand."

Mr. Weston, coming over soon afterwards for a better examination of his affairs, was shipwrecked between the Piscataqua and the Merrimack, and pillaged by Weston at the Indians, even to the clothes he wore. In Plymouth. this plight he found his way to Plymouth. They “pitied his case, and remembered former courtesies." Though of late he had been only an enemy and a nuisance to them, and though, in their scarcity of food, they could ill spare anything that was salable, they supplied him with a hundred and seventy pounds of beaver to trade with. "But he requited them ill; for he proved after a bitter enemy unto them upon all occasions, and never repaid them anything for it but reproaches and evil words."3 Lately a prosperous London merchant, he was now a ruined man.

1 "Concerning the killing of those poor Indians," wrote Robinson (December 19, 1623), "of which we heard first by report, and since by more certain relation, O how happy a thing had it

been, if you had converted some before
you had killed any!" (Bradford, 164.)
2 Winslow, Good Newes, 37-47.
3 Bradford, 132–134.

After this year, he disappears from the history of Plymouth.

of the Coun

England.

Though no fatal issue, like that of the colony at Wessagusset, had followed other similar undertakings of the same period, still none yet gave promise of prospering. Gorges continued to be indefatigable, but to little effect. The corporation, of which he was the soul, had scarcely rePerplexities ceived its charter, when it was assailed by the hoscil for New tility of the rival company of Virginia, the former propped by the favor of the king, the latter befriended by the patriotic leaders in Parliament. Remonstrances against the claim of the Council for New England to a dominion of its seas having proved ineffectual with the Privy Council, the question was transferred to the House of Commons, which passed a bill "for the freer liberty of fishing and fishing voyages to be made and performed in the sea-coasts and places of Newfoundland, Virginia, New England, and other the seacoasts and parts of America." It was arrested by the Lords or by the king, and did not become a law.1

1621.

Further attempts at

When King James's fifth Parliament was dissolved, and its proceedings against the Council had come to no legal issue, Gorges took courage again to prosecute his plans. Captain John Mason "had been some colonization. time governor of a plantation in the Newfoundland.” He had been previously a merchant and a naval officer, and was now Treasurer of the royal navy, and Governor of Portsmouth in Hampshire. He "was himself a man of action," and well qualified for the vigorous co-operation with Gorges in which he now became engaged. He obtained from the Council a grant of March 9. the lands lying between the little river which discharges its waters at Naumkeag, now Salem, and the

1622.

1 Gorges, Brief Narration, in Mass. Hist. Coll., XXVI. 65, 66. — Chalmers, Political Annals, 83, 84, 100–102.

Journal of the Commons, I. 591, 592, 602, 654.

Aug. 10.

river Merrimack. To this tract, extending inland to the sources of those streams, he gave the name of Mariana. In the same year the Council granted to Gorges and Mason the country bounded by the Merrimack, the Kennebec, the ocean, and "the river of Canada"; and this territory they called Laconia. Sir William Alexander, by Mason's intervention with Gorges, had obtained from the Council a patent for Nova 1621. Scotia, or New Scotland, afterwards confirmed by September. a grant from the king under the seal of his northern kingdom. But attempts in this quarter amounted at present to no more than a hasty visit of two vessels to the coast.1 Saco, a few miles up the river of that name, and Agamenticus, afterwards York, may have received their first English inhabitants, under the auspices of Gorges, within three or four years after the plantation at Plymouth. In the service of Gorges, Mason, and others, a small party, some from the parent country, some recently arrived at the American Plymouth, attempted settlements on the Piscataqua. David Thompson, a Scotchman, was in charge of the company at the mouth of that river, where is now Portsmouth; William and Edward Hilton, "fishmongers of London," were, with others, higher up the stream, at Cochecho, now Dover. But all these undertakings languished for a long time after. What was soon to become a permanent plantation, at Monhegan, was as yet only a rendezvous for fishermen and traders;3 and the settlement at Pemaquid, twelve or fifteen miles from it, on the mainland, was undertaken two years later than those on the Piscataqua.

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1623.

1625.

an inhabitant of this place [Agamenticus], the first that ever built or settled there." (See Maine Hist. Coll., I. 295.) And nothing is certain as to Saco before 1630, except the residence of Vines in its vicinity, about 1617. See above, p. 98.

3 See above, pp. 93, 176.

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